Economic and Retail Geographies Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selected unit in their reflections. Although students are expected to demonstrate a clear understanding of

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Economic and Retail Geographies

Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selected unit in their reflections.

Although students are expected to demonstrate a clear understanding of the readings, reflection papers are not intended to simply summarize the readings. Rather, students should outline the main points of the readings and use this as the basis for a critical reflection.

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  • Critical reflections should demonstrate depth in thinking about the material they are learning, and evaluate critically how theories and practices of geography can influence their own lived experiences and observations about the world.
  • Students are encouraged to draw on other sources in addition to course materials, including the weekly discussion postings from previous Units if applicable.
  • All sources, including the course readings, lecture notes, and discussion postings must be properly cited using APA.
  • Reflection papers are to be written according to academic scholarship standards (1,000 +/- 100 words excluding title page and references).


Economic and Retail Geographies Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selected unit in their reflections. Although students are expected to demonstrate a clear understanding of
Human Geography An open textbook for Advanced Placement Created by the Puyallup School District Human Geography ii Human Geography An open textbook for Advanced Placement Created by the Puyallup School District 302 2 nd St SE Puyallup, Washington 98372 The Puyallup School District, thanks the following people who provided constant support, expertise, and editorial advice: Dr. Tim Yeomans – Superintendent, Puyallup School District Casey Cox – Assistant Superintendent, Puyallup School District Dr. Brian Lowney – Chief Academic Officer, Puyallup School District Dr. Vince Pecchia – Chief Instruction and Learning Officer, Puyallup School District Dr. Dana Harris – Director of Instructional Leade rship, Puyallup School District Suzanne Cella – Glacier View Junior High, Puyallup School District Jeanna Kooser – Kalles Junior High, Puyallup School District Kristina Peters – K -12 Open Education Fellow, US Department of Education Tracy Pitzer – Director of Instructional Leadership, Puyallup School District Samantha Zilly – Western Washington University Special thanks to Barbara Soots, OSPI Open Educational Resources Program Man ager, for her persistent encouragement and priceless advice during the cou rse of this project. Human Geography iii Human Geography iv Creative Commons Licensing Except where otherwise noted this work by the Puyallup School District is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution License. If you reuse this content elsewhere, in order to comply with the attribution requirements of the license please attribute the original source to the Puyallup School District, Puyallup, Washington . Disclaimer : This is a derivative work that incorporate s resources with differing Open Licenses. Please note the level of permission granted within each content section. All Images and figures in this book are believed to be (after a reasonable investigation) with in the public domain or carry a compatible Creative Commons license. If you have questions or concerns about Creative Commons or copyrights, please contact the Puyallup School District Instruction and Learning Department at 253- 840-8989. AP and Advance Placement are trademarks registered and/or owned by the College Board, which was not involved in the production of this product. Human Geography v Contents CREATIVE COMMONS LICENSING …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. IV A NOTE ON CONTENT AND PRESENTATION : ……………………………………………………………………………………………………….. VII ATTRIBUTIONS ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… VIII CHAPTER 1 GEOGRAPHY – ITS NATURE AND PER SPECTIVES ………………………………………………………………………. 2 AP Enduring Understandings ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 2 Inquiry Questions ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 2 1.1 GEOGRAPHY : THE WHERE AND THE WHY ……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 2 1.2 THE SPATIAL PERSPECTIVE ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 4 1.3 THE PHYSICAL SETTING …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 7 1.4 THE HUMAN SETTING …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 10 1.5 REGIONAL THINKING …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 13 1.6 GLOBALIZATION ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 16 1.7 CAN I MAP THAT ? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 18 1.8 GEO-SPATIAL TECHNOLOGY …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 22 CHAPTER 2 POPULATION A ND MIGRATION …………………………………………………………………………………………… 29 AP Enduring Understandings ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 29 Inquiry Questions ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 29 2.1 POPULATION ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 29 2.2 DISTRIBUTION OF THE WORLD ’S POPULATION ……………………………………………………………………………………………….. 30 2.3 POPULATION PROFILES ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 32 2.3 GLOBAL POPULATION TRENDS …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 34 2.4 KEY FACTORS INFLUENCING POPULATION CHANGE ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 34 2.5 DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION MODEL ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 36 2.6 OVERPOPULATION ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 39 2.7 POPULATION POLICY …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 41 2.8 MIGRATION GEOGRAPHY ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 42 2.9 QUESTIONS FOR THE FUTURE …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 46 CHAPTER 3 CULTURAL PATTERNS AND PROCESSE S …………………………………………………………………………………. 51 AP Enduring Understandings ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 51 Inquiry Questions ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 51 3.1 WHAT IS CULTURE ? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 51 3.2 FOLK VS . POPULAR CULTURE …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 55 3.3 CULTURE REGIONS ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 55 3.4 CULTURAL DIFFUSION ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 59 3.5 RACE AND ETHNICITY ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 65 3.6 RACE AND GEOGRAPHY …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 67 3.7 LANGUAGE ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 72 3.8 A SHORT HISTORY OF LANGUAGE ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 73 3.9 ENDANGERED LANGUAGES AND LANGUAGE DIVERSITY …………………………………………………………………………………….. 74 3.10 RELIGION ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 75 3.11 SACRED SPACES AND THE CULTURAL LANDSCAPE ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 78 CHAPTER 4 POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF SPACE …………………………………………………………………………………… 84 AP Enduring Understandings ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 84 Human Geography vi In quiry Questions ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 84 4.1 ORGANIZATION AND CONTROL …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 84 4.2 THE STATE OF STATES ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 86 4.3 BOUNDARIES ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 91 4.4 SEPARATIST MOVEMENTS ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 93 4.5 POLITICS AND IDENTITY ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 94 4.6 TERRORISM ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 95 4.7 OTHER MODERN INFLUENCES ON THE POLITICAL LANDSCAPE …………………………………………………………………………….. 100 4.7 GLOBALIZATION AND THE POLITICAL LANDSCAPE ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 104 CHAPTER 5 AGRICULTURE, FOOD PRODUCTION AND RURAL LAND USE …………………………………………………… 111 AP Enduring Understandings ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 111 Inquiry Questions ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 111 5.1 THE ROOTS OF AGRICULTURE …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 111 5.2 TYPES OF AGRICULTURE ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 114 5.3 MAKING SENSE OF LAND USE ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 117 5.4 AGRICULTURAL REGIONS ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 122 5.5 AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 126 5.6 SPATIAL GEOGRAPHY OF FOOD ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 132 5.7 NUTRITIONAL NEEDS …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 135 5.8 POPULATION AND FOOD PRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 139 5.9 ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT OF AGRICULTURE ……………………………………………………………………………………………….. 143 CHAPTER 6 INDUSTRIALIZATION AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT ………………………………………………………….. 151 AP Enduring Understandings ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 151 Inquiry Questions ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 151 6.1 THE INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 151 6.2 EXPLAINING THE INDUSTRIAL LANDSCAPE …………………………………………………………………………………………………… 157 6.3 CORE -PERIPHERY SPATIAL RELATIONSHIPS ………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 162 6.4 THE ECONOMICS OF GEOGRAPHY ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 164 6.5 THE GEOGRAPHY OF ECONOMICS ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 167 6.6 CHANGING ROLES OF WOMEN IN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT …………………………………………………………………………… 172 6.7 INTERNATIONAL TRADE AND GLOBALIZATION – OR – WHY DO NATIONS TRADE ? ……………………………………………………… 175 6.8 GLOBAL INTERDEPENDENCE …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 179 6.9 TRANSFORMING THE ECONOMIC LANDSCAPE ………………………………………………………………………………………………. 187 CHAPTER 7 CITIES AND URBAN LAND USE ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 197 AP Enduring Understandings ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 197 Inquiry Questions ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 197 7.1 WHAT IS A CITY ? ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 197 7.2 WHAT MAKES US MOVE TOGETHER ? ………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 199 7.3 UNDERSTANDING DISTRIBUTION AND CITY SIZE ……………………………………………………………………………………………. 205 7.4 UNDERSTANDING INTERNAL CITY STRUCTURE AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT ……………………………………………………………. 209 7.5 MEGACITIES …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 212 7.6 CHALLENGES TO URBAN GROWTH …………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 216 7.7 CITY AS PLACE …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 222 7.8 CULTURAL REFLECTIONS IN URBAN LANDSCAPES ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 224 7.9 ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND CITY INFRASTRUCTURE ………………………………………………………………………………….. 226 7.10 CITIES AND SUSTAINABILITY …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. 231 Human Geography vii 7.11 SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT MOVING FORWARD ………………………………………………………………………………………. 236 7.12 CONNECTED CITIES …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 243 A Note on Content and Presentation: AP Human Geography is an introductory college l evel course that explores human/ environment interactions from a spatial perspective . The scope and sequence of this textbook intentionally follows the College Board curriculum articulation as presented in the 2015 AP Human Geography Course Description. This will provide the student with a clear and concise road map to demonstrate mastery of the AP Human Geography enduring understandings, learning objective and essential knowledge. Flesch Reading Ease 36.6 Flesch -Kincaid Grade Level 13.0 Human Geography viii Attributions Cover Photo “ROA – Rabbit Rabbit ” by David Yates is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 4.0 Chapter 1 adapted from: “World Regional Geography ” by Caitlin Finlayson is licensed under Creati ve Commons CC BY NC SA 4.0 Chapter 2 adapted from: “Open Geography Education ” by R. Adam Dastrup is licensed under Creativ e Commons CC BY SA 4.0 Chapter 3 adapted from: “Introduction to Sociology 2e ” by OpenStax CNX is lice nsed under Creative Commons CC BY 4.0 “ Open Geography Education ” by R. Adam Dastrup is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY SA 4.0 “ Overview of Human Geography ” by Stentor Danielson is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 4.0 Chapter 4 adapted from: “Global Terrorism Index 2016: Measuring and Understanding the Impact of Terrorism ” by Institute for Economics and Peace is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 4.0 “ GEOG 597i: Critical Geospatial Thinking and Applications ” by Dr. George van Otten and Penn State’s College of Earth and Mineral Sciences’ OER Initia tive is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 3.0 “ Introduction to Human Geography: A Disciplinary Approach ” by David Gr aves California State University, Northridge is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 4.0 “Open Geography Education” by R. Adam Dastrup is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY SA 4.0 “Overview of Human Geography ” by Stentor Danielson is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 4.0 “ Political Geography ” by Wikimedia is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY SA 4.0 Human Geography ix “World Regional Geography: People, Places and Globalization ” by University of Minnesota Libraries Publishing – eLearning Support Initiative is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 4.0 Chapter 5 adapted from: “Columbian Exchange ” by Wikipedi a is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY SA 4.0 “EPSID AP Human Geography 2015 ” by El Paso Independent School District AP Human Geography Team @ CK -12 is licensed under Creative Common CC BY -NC 3.0 Referral attribution: “ FAO Programme – Food Security ” by The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations © FAO Disclaimer: This is an adaptation of an original work by FAO. Views and opinions expressed in the adaptation are the sole responsibility of the author or authors of the adaptation and are not endo rsed by FAO. “GEOG 597i: Critical Geospatial Thinking and Applications ” by Dr. George van Otten and Penn State’s College of Earth and Mineral Sciences’ OER Initiative is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 3.0 “ Introduction to Human Geography: A Disciplinary App roach ” by David Graves California State University, Northridge is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 4.0 “Open Geography Education ” by R. Adam Dastrup is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY SA 4.0 “ Overview of Human Geography ” by Stentor D anielson is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 4.0 “Sustainable Farming ” by World Wide Fund for Nature is lic ensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC 4.0 “The State of the World’s Land and Water Resources for Food and Agriculture (SOLAW) – Managing Systems at Risk 2011 ” by The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations © FAO Disclaimer: This is an adaptation of an original work by FAO. Views and opinions expressed in the adaptation are the sole responsibility of the author or authors of the adaptation and are not endorsed by FAO. “What is Sustainable Agriculture ?” by UC Davis Agric ulture Sustainability Institute © The Regents of the University of California, Davis “Women’s contributions to agricultural producti on and food security: Current status and perspectives ” by The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations © FAO Disclaimer: This is an adaptation of an original work by FAO. Views and opinions expressed in the adaptation are the sole responsibility of the author or authors of the adaptation and are not endorsed by FAO. Human Geography x “World Agriculture Towards 2103/2030 ” by The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations © FAO Disclaimer: This is an adaptation of an original work by FAO. Views and opinions expr essed in the adaptation are the sole responsibility of the author or authors of the adaptation and are not endorsed by FAO. Chapter 6 adapted from: “EPSID AP Human Geography 2015 ” by El Paso Independent School District AP Human Geography Team @ CK -12 is licensed under Creative Common CC BY -NC 3.0 Referral attribution: http :// “ Fourth Industrial Revolution: What it means and how to respond ” by Klaus Schwab at the World Economic Foru m is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 4.0 “Fourth Industrial Revolution: These five innovations will transform the lives of smallholder farmers ” by Ishmeal Sunga at the World Economic Forum is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 4. 0 “Globalization 101 ” by Levin Institute © 2016 The Levin Institute – The State University of New York [ -in -depth/trade/ ], [visited on 1.5.16] “Globalization 101 ” by Levin Institute © 2016 The Levin Institute – The State University of New York [ -in -depth/technology/ ], [visited on 1.5.16] “ Globalization 101 ” by Levin Institute © 2016 The Levin Institute – The State University of New York [ -in -depth/environment/ ], [visited on 1.5.16] “Globalization 101 ” by Levin Institute © 2016 The Levin Institute – The State University of New York [ -sustainable -development -the -way -forward/ ] [visited on 1.9.16] “ Goal: Promote gender equality and empower women ” by ©UNICEF “HIST363: Global Perspective on Industrialization ” by is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY 3.0 “In Their Own Words: Stories from Garment Factory Workers in Bangladesh ” by is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY-NC -ND 4.0 “ Modern World History ” by Vern Cleary, permissions granted. Please direct any questions to: Mr. Cleary at “Sweat, fire and ethics ” by Bob Jeffcott New Internationalist Magazine, Issue 399 is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY-NC -ND 4.0 Human Geography xi Chapter 7 adapted from: “EPSID AP Human Geography 2015 ” by El Paso Independent School District AP Human Geography Team @ CK -12 is license d under Creative Commons CC BY-NC 3.0 Referral attribution: “ Improving health in cities through systems approaches for urban water management ” by L. C. Rietveld author, J. G. Siri, I. Chakravarty, A. M. Arsénio, R. Biswas and A. Chatterjee in BioMed Central is licensed under Creative Commons CC -BY 4.0 “ Megacities ” by RESET : Smart Approaches to Sustainability Terms of Use: -of -service “ Open Geography Education” by R. Adam Dastrup is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY SA 4.0 “ Overview of Human Geography ” by Stentor D anielson is licensed under Creative Commons CC BY NC SA 4.0 “ The DNA of Cities ” by Abdelbasser A. Mohamed in This Big City is licensed under Creative Commons CC -BY “ 2015 Human Development Report ” by United Nations Development Program is licensed under Creative Commons CC -BY IGO 3.0 Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 1 Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 2 Chapter 1 Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives AP Enduring Understandings • Geography, as a field of inquiry, looks at the w orld from a spatial perspective • Geography offers a set of concepts, skills, and tools that facilitate critical thinking and problem solving • Geographical skills provide a foundation for analyzing world patterns and processes • Geospatial technologies increase the capability for gathering and analyzing geographic information with applications to everyday life • Field experiences continue to be important means of gathering geographic informatio n and data • Inquiry Questions How do geographers represent the physical, political, social/cultural, and economic world? 1.1 Geography: The Where and The Why What is “geography”? It might seem like a simple enough term to define. In middle school or high school, your answer might have been something to do with the study of maps, of where things were located in the world. In fact, much of primary and secondary school geography is explicitly focused on the where, answering questions like where a particular c ountry is located, what a country’s capital is, and where major landforms are located. Just as simple arithmetic operations form the backbone of mathematics as a discipline, these kinds of questions are foundational to geographic study. However, one wouldn ’t likely define math as the study of calculators or of multiplication tables. Similarly, there is much more to geography and geographic inquiry than the study of maps. Geographers seek to answer the “where”, the “why” and the “how”. Simply knowing where a country is located is certainly helpful, but geographers dig deeper:  W hy is it located there?  Why does it have a particular shape, and how does this shape affect how it interacts with its neighbors and its access to resources?  Why do the people of the country have certain cultural features?  Why does the country have a specific style of government?  How do we analyze patterns in human -environment interactions? The list goes on and on, and as you might notice, incorporates a variety of historical, cultural, political, and physical features. This synthesis of the physical world and human activity is at the heart of the regional geographic approach. The term “geography” comes from the Greek term geo- meaning “the earth” and – graphia meaning “to write,” and many early geographers did exactly that: they wrote about the world. Ibn Battuta, for example, was a scholar from Morocco and traveled Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 3 extensively across Africa and Asia in the 14th century CE. Eratosthenes is commonly considered to be the “Father of Geography,” and in fact, he quite literally wrote the book on the subject in the third century BCE. His three -volume text, Geographica, included maps of the entire known world ( Figure 1.1 ), including different climate zones, the locations of hundreds of different cities, and a coordinate system. This was a revolutionary and highly regarded text, especially for the time period. Eratosthenes is also credited as the fi rst person to calculate the circumference of the Earth. Many early geographers, like Eratosthenes, were primarily cartographers, referring to people who scientifically study and create maps, and early maps, such as those used in Babylon, Polynesia, and the Arabian Peninsula, were often used for navigation. In the Middle Ages, as academic inquiry in Europe declined with the fall of the Roman Empire, Muslim geographer Muhammad al -Idrisi created one of the most advanced maps of pre -modern times, inspiring futu re geographers from the region. Geography today, though using more advanced tools and techniques, draws on the foundations laid by these predecessors. What unites all geographers, whether they are travelers writing about the world’s cultures or cartographers mapping new frontiers, is an attention to the spatial perspective. As geographer Harm deBlij once explained, there are three main ways to look at the world. One way is chronologically, as a historian might examin e the sequence of world events. A second way is systematically, as a sociologist might explore the societal systems in place that help shape a given country’s structures of inequality. The third way is spatially, and this is the geographic perspective. Geo graphers, when confronted with a global problem, Figure 1.1 Reconstruction of Eratosthenes’ Map of the Known World, c. 194 BCE (Courtesy of E. H. Bunbury, A History of Ancient Geography among the Greeks and Romans from the Earliest Ages till the Fall of the Roman Empire, 1883, Public Domain) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 4 immediately ask the questions “Where?” and “Why?” Although geography is a broad discipline that includes quantitative techniques like statistics and qualitative methods like interviews, all geographers share this common way of looking at the world from a spatial perspective. 1.2 The Spatial Perspective At the heart of the spatial perspective is the question of “where,” but there are a number of different ways to answer this question. Relative location refers to the location of a place relative to other places, and we commonly use relative location when giving directions to people. We might instruct them to turn “by the gas station on the corner,” or say that we live “in the dorm across from the fountain.” Another way to describe a place is by referring to its absolute location . Absolute location references an exact point on Earth and commonly uses specific coordinates like latitude and longitude. Lines of latitude and longitude are imaginary lines that circle the globe and form th e ge ographic coordinate system ( Figure 1 .2 ). Lines of latitude run laterally, parallel to the equator, a nd measure distances north or south of the equator. Lines of longitude, on the other hand, converge at the poles and measure distances east and west of the prime meridian. Every place on Earth has a precise location that can be measured with latitude and longitude. The location of the White House in Washington, DC, for example, is located at latitude 38.8977 °N and longitude 77.0365°W. Abs olute location might also refer to details like elevation. The Dead Sea, located on the boundary of Jordan and Israel, is the lowest location on land, dipping down to 1,378 feet below sea level. Historically, most maps were hand -drawn, but with the advent of computer technology came more advanced maps created with the aid of satellite technology. Geographic information science (GIS ), sometimes also referred to as geographic information Figure 1.2 Lines of Latitude and Longitude (Djexplo, Public Domain) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 5 systems, uses computers and satellite i magery to capture, store, manipulate, analyze, manage, and present spatial data. GIS essentially uses layers of information and is often used to make decisions in a wide variety of contexts. An urban planner might use GIS to determine the best location for a new fire station, while a biologist might use GIS to map the migratory paths of birds. You might use GIS to get navigation directions from one place to another, layering place names, buildings, and roads. One difficulty with map -making, even when using advanced technology, is that the earth is roughly a sphere while maps are generally flat. When converting the spherical Earth to a flat map, some distortion always occurs. A map projection , or a representation of Earth’s surface on a flat plane, always distorts at least one of these four properties: area, shape, distance, and direction. Some maps preserve thr ee of these properties, while significantly distorting another, while other maps seek to minimize overall distortion but distort each property somewhat. So, which map projection is best? That depends on the purpose of the map. The Mercator projection, while significantly distorting the size of places near the poles, preserves angles and shapes, m aking it ideal for navigation ( Figure 1.3 ). The Winkel Tripel projection is so -named because its creator, Oswald Winkel, sought to minimize three kinds of distortion : area, direction, and distance ( Figure 1.4 ). It has been used by the National Geographic Society since 1998 as the standard projection of world maps. When representing the Earth on a manageable -sized map, the actual size of location is Figure 1.3 Mercator Projection (Courtesy of Daniel R. Strebe, Wikimedia Commons) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 6 reduced. Scale is the ratio between the distance between two locations on a map and the corresponding distance on Earth’s surface. A 1:1000 scale map, for example, would mean that 1 meters on the map equals 1000 meters, or 1 kilometer, on Earth’s surface. Scale can sometimes be a confusing concept for students, so it’s important to remember that it refers to a ratio. It doesn’t refer to the size of the map itself, but rather, how zoomed in or out the map is. A 1:1 scale map of your room would be the exact same size of your room – plenty of room for significant detail, but hard to fit into your glove compartment. As with map projections, the “best” scale for a map depends on what it’s used for. If you’re going on a walking tour of a historic town, a 1:5,000 scale map is commonly used. If you’re a geography student loo king at a map of the entire world, a 1:50,000,000 scale map would be appropriate. “Large” scale and “small” scale refer to the ratio, not to the size of the landmass on the map. 1 divided by 5,000 is 0.0002, which is a larger number than 1 divided by 50,000,000 (which is 0.00000002). Thus, a 1:5,000 scale map is considered “large” scale while 1:50,000,000 is considered “small” scale. All maps have a purpose, whether it’s to guide sailing ships, help students create a more accurate mental map of the world, or tell a story. The map projection, color scheme, scale, and labels are all decisions made by the mapmaker. Some argued that the widespread use of the Mercator projection, which made Africa look smaller relative to North America and Eurasia, led people to minimize the importance of Africa’s po litical and economic issues. Just as texts can be critiqued for their style, message, and purpose, so too can maps be critiqued for the information and message they present. The spatial perspective, and answering the question of “where,” encompasses more than just static locations on a map. Often, answering the question of “where” relates to movement across space. Diffusion refers to the spreading of something from one place Figure 1.4 Winkel Tripel Projection (Courtesy of Daniel R. Strebe, Wikimedia Commons) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 7 to another, and might relate to the physical movement of people or the spread of disease, or the diffusion of ideas, technology, or other intangible phenomena. Diffusion occurs for different reasons and at different rates. Just as static features of culture and the physical landscape can be mapped, geographers can also map the spread o f various characteristics or ideas to study how they interact and change. 1.3 The Physical Setting When we describe places, we can discuss their absolute and relative location and their relationship and interaction with other places. As regional geographers, we can dig deeper and explore both the physical and human characteristics that make a particu lar place unique. Geographers explore a wide variety of spatial phenomena, but the discipline can roughly be divided into two branches: physical geography and human geography. Physical geography focuses on natural features and processes, such as land – forms, climate, and water features. Human geography is concerned with human activity, such as culture, language, and religion. However, these branches are not exclusive. You might be a physical geographer who studies hurricanes, but your research includes the hum an impact from these events. You might be a human geographer who studies food, but your investigations include the ecological impact of agricultural systems. Regional geography takes this holistic approach, exploring both the physical and human characteris tics of the world’s regions. Much of Earth’s physical landscape, from mountains to volcanoes to earthquakes to valleys, has resulted from the movement of tectonic plates. As the theory of plate Figure 1.5 Map of Global Tectonic Plate Boundaries (United States Geological Survey, Public Domain) Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Visualize and analyze variations in time -space compression by exploring how not all distances are equally distant. Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 8 tectonics describes, these rigid plates are situated on top of a bed of molten, flowing material, much like a cork floating in a pot of boiling water. There are seven major tectonic plates and numerous minor plates ( Figure 1.5 ). Where two tectonic plates meet is known as a plate boundary , and boundaries can interact in three different ways ( Figure 1.6 ). Where two plates slide past one another is called a transform boundary. The San Andreas Fault in California is an example of a transform boundary. A divergent plate boundary is where two pl ates slide apart from one another. Africa’s Rift Valley was formed by this type of plate movement. Convergent plate boundaries occur when two plates slide towards one another. In this case, where two plates have roughly the same density, upward movement can occur, creating mountains. The Himalaya Mountains, for example, were formed from the Indian plate converging with the Eurasian plate. In other cases, subduction occurs and one plate slides below the other. Here, deep, under -ocean trenches can form. The 2004 Indian Ocean earthquake and tsunami occurred because of a subducting plate boundary off the west coast of Sumatra, Indonesia. The i nteraction between tectonic plates and historical patterns of erosion and deposition have generated a variety of landforms across Earth’s surface. Each of the world’s regions has identifiable physical features, such as plains, valleys, mountains, and major water bodies. Topography refers to the study of the shape and features of the surface of the Earth. Areas of high relief have significant changes in elevation on the landscape, such as steep mountains, while areas of low relief are relatively flat. Another key feature of Earth’s physical landscape is climate. Weather refers to the short -term state of the atmosphere. We might refer to the weather as partly sunny or stormy, for example. Climate, on the other hand, refers to long -term weather patterns and is affected by a place’s latitude, terrain, altitude, and nearby water bodies. Geog raphers commonly use the Köppen climate classification system to refer to the Figure 1.6 Types of Tectonic Plate Boundaries (United States Geological Sur vey, Public Domain) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 9 major climate zones found in the world (Figure 1.7 ). Each climate zone in the Köppen climate classification system is assigned a lettered code, referring to the temperature and precipitation patter ns found in the particular region. Climate varies widely across Earth. Cherrapunji, India, located in the CWB climate zone, receives over 11,000 mm (400 in) of rain each year. In contrast, the Atacama Desert (BWk), situated along the western coast of South America across Chile, Peru, Bolivia, and Argentina, typically receives only around 1 to 3 mm (0.04 to 0.12 in) of rain each year. Earth’s climate has gone through significant changes historically, alternating between long periods of warming and cooling. Since the industrial revolution in the 1800s, however, global climate has experienced a warming phase. 95 percent of scientists agree that this global climate change has resulted Figure 1.8 Mean Land -Ocean Surface Temperature Index, 1880 to Present (NASA, Public Domain Figure 1.7 World Map of Köppen Climate Classifications (Courtesy of Ali Zifan, Wiki – media Commons) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 10 primarily from human activities, particularly the emission of greenhouse ga sses like carbon dioxide ( Figure 1.8 ). 15 of the 16 warmest years ever recorded have occurred since 2000. Overall, this warming has contributed to rising sea levels as the polar ice caps melt, changing precipitation patterns, and the expansion of deserts. The responses to global climate change, and the impacts from it vary by region. 1.4 The Human Setting The physical setting of the world’s places has undoubtedly influenced the human setting; just as human activities have shaped the physical landscape. There are currently around 7.4 billion people in the world, but these billions of people are not uniformly distributed. When we consider where people live in the world, we tend to cluster in ar eas that are warm and are near water and avoid plac es that are cold and dry. As shown in Figure 1.9, there are three major population clusters in the world: East Asia, South Asia, and Europe. Just as geographers can discuss “where” people are located, we can explore “why” population growth is occurring in particular areas (Figure 1.9 ). All of the 10 most populous cities in the world are located in countries traditionally categorized as “developing.” These countries typ ically have high rates of population growth. A population grows, quite simply, when more people are born than die. The birth rate refers to the total number of live births per 1,000 people in a given year. In 2012, the average global birth rate was 19.15 births per 1,000 people (Figure 1.10). Subtracting the death rate from the birth rate results in a country’s rate of natural increase (RNI). For example, Madagascar has a birth rate of 37.89 per 1,000 and a death rate of 7.97 per 1,000. 37.89 minus 7.97 is 29.92 per 1,000. If you divide the result by 10, you’d get 2.992 per 100 or 2.992 percent. In essence, this means that Figure 1.9 Map of Global Population Clusters (Image adapted from Cocoliras, Wiki – media Commons) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 11 Madagascar’s population is increasing at a rate of 2.992 percent per year. The natural increase rate does not include immigration. Some countries in Europe, in fact, have a negative natural increase rate, but their population continues to increase due to immigration. The birth rate is directly affected by the total fertility rate (TFR), which is the average number of children born to a woman during her childbearing years. In developing cou ntries, the total fertility rate is often 4 or more children, contributing to high popu lation growth . In developed countries, on the other hand, the total fertility rate may be only 1 or 2 children, which can ultimately lead to population decline. A number of factors influence the total fertility rate, but it is generally connected to a country’s overall level of development. As a country develops and industrializes, it generally becomes more urbanized. Children are no longer needed to assist with family farms, and urban areas might not have large enough homes for big families. Women increasingly enter the workforce, which can delay childbearing and further restrict the number of children a family desires. Culturally, a shift occurs when industrialized societies no longer value large family sizes. As women’s education increases, women are able to take control of their reproductive rights. Contraceptive use becomes more widespread and socially acceptable. This shift in population characteristics as a country industrialized can be represented by the demographic transition model (DTM) (Figure 1.11). This model demon strates the changes in birth rates, death rates, and population growth over time as a country develops. In stage one, during feudal Europe, for example, birth rates and death rates were very high. Populations were vulnerable to drought and disease , and thus population growth was minimal. No country remains in stage one today. In stage two, a decline in death rates leads to a rise in population. This decline in death rates occurred as a result of agricultural productivity and improvements in public health. Figure 1.10 Map of Count ries by Birth Rate, 2014 (Courtesy of Ali Zifan, Wikimedia Commons) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 12 Vaccines, for exampl e, greatly reduced the mortality from childhood diseases. Stage two countries are primarily agricultural, and thus there is a cultural and historical preference for large families, so birth rates remain high. Most of Sub – Saharan Africa is in stage two. In stage three, urbanization and increasing access to contraceptives leads to a decline in the birth rate. As country industrializes, women enter the workforce and seek higher education. The population growth begins to slow. Much of Middle and South America , as well as India, are in stage three. In stage four, birth rates approach the death rates. Women have increased indepen dence as well as educational and work opportunities, and families may choose to have a small number of children or none at all. Most of Europe , as well as China, are in stage four. Some have proposed a stage five of the demographic transition model. In some countries, the birth rate has fallen below the death rate as families choose to have only 1 child . In these cases, a population will decline unless there is significant immi gration. Japan, for example, is in stage five and has a total fertility rate of 1.41. Although this is only a model, and each country passes through the stages of demographic transition at different rates, the generalized model of demographic transition ho lds true for most countries of the world. As countries industrialize and become more developed, they shift from primarily rural settlements to urban ones. Urbanization refers to the increased proportion of people living in urban areas. As people migrate out of rural, agricultural areas, the proportion of people living in cities increases. As people living in cities have children, this further increases urbanization. For most of human history, we have been predominantly rural . Figure 1.11 Demographic Transition Model (Courtesy of Max Roser, Wikimedia Commons) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 13 By the middle of 2009, however, the number of people living in urban areas surpassed the number of people living in rural areas for the first time. In 2014, 54 percent of the world’s population lived in urban areas. This figure is expected to increase to 66 percent by 2050. The number of megacities, cities with 10 million people or more, has also increased. In 1990, there were 10 megacities in the world. In 2014, there were 28 megacities. Tokyo – Yokohama is the largest metropolitan area in the world with over 38 million inhabitants. 1.5 Regional Thinking The world can be divided into regions based on human and/or physical characteristics. Regions simply refer to spatial areas that share a common feature. There are three types of regions: formal, function al, and perceptual. Formal regions , some – times called homogenous regions, have at least on e characteristic in common. A map of religions in Europe, as in Figure 1.12, for example, groups countries based on the dominant religion, creating formal regions. This isn’t to say that everyone in Spain is Roman Catholic, but rather that most people in Spain are Ro man Catholic. Other for – mal regions might include political affiliation, climate, agricultural zones, or ethnicity. Formal regions might also be established by governmental organizations, such as the case with state or provincial boundaries Functional re gions , unlike formal regions, are not homogenous in the sense that they do not share a single cultural or physical characteristic. Rather, functional regions are united by a particular function, often economic. Functional regions are some – times called nod al regions and have a nodal arrangement, with a core and surrounding nodes. A metropolitan area, for example, often includes a central city and its surround ing suburbs. We tend to think of the area as a “region” not because everyone is the same religion or ethnicity, or has the same political affiliation, but because it functions as a region. Los Angeles, for example, is the second -most populous city in the United States. However, the region of Los Angeles extends far beyond its official city limits as show n in Figure 1.13. In fact, over 471,000 workers commute into Los Angeles Figure 1.12 : Map of Religious Regions in Europe and Southwest Asia (Courtesy of Saguamundi, Wikimedia Commons ) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 14 County from the surrounding region every day. Los Angeles, as with all metropolitan areas, functions economically as a single region and is thus considered a functional region. Other examples of functional regions include church parishes, radio station listening areas, and newspaper subscription areas. Perceptual regions are not as well -defined as formal or functional regions and are based on people’s perceptions. The southeastern region of the United States is often referred to as “the South,” but where the exact boundary of this region depends on individual perception ( Figure 1.14 ). Some people might include all of the states that formed the Confederacy during the Civil War. Others might exclude Missouri or Oklahoma. Perceptual regio ns exist at a variety of scales. In your hometown, there might be a perceptual region called “the west side.” Internationally, regions like the Midlands in Britain or the Swiss Alps are considered perceptual . Similarly, “the Middle East” is a perceptual region. It is perceived to exist as a result of religious and ethnic Figure 1.14 Map of the US “South” Perceptual Region (Courtesy of Qz10, Wikimedia Commons) Figure 1.13 Map of Los Angeles Metro Area (Courtesy of Kmusser, Wikimedia Commons ) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 15 characteristics, but people wouldn’t necessarily agree on which countries to in clude. Perceptual regions are real in the sense that our perceptions are real, but their boundaries are not uniformly agreed upon. As geographers, we can divide the world into a number of different regions based on formal criteria and functional interaction. However, there is a matter of perception, as well. We might divide the world based on landmasses since landmasses often share physical and cultural characteristics. Sometimes water connects people more than land, though. In the case of Europe, for example, the Mediterranean Sea historically provided economic and cultural links to the surrounding countries t hough we consider them to be three separate continents. Creating regions can often be a question of “lumpers and splitters;” who do you lump together and who do you split apart? Do you have fewer regions united by only a couple characteristics or more regi ons that share a great deal in common? Most geographers take a balanced approach to “lumping and splitting,” identifying nine disti nct world regions ( Figure 1.15). T hese regions are largely perceptual, however. Where does “Middle” America end and “South” America begin? Why is Pakistan, a predominantly Muslim country, characterized as “South” Asia and not “Southwest” Asia? Why is Russia its own region? You might divide the world into entirely different regions. W hile it might seem like there are clear boundaries between the world’s regions, in actuality, where two regions meet are zones of gradual transition. These transition zones are marked by gradual spatial change. Moscow, Russi a, for example, is quite Figure 1.15 Map of World Regions (Image adpated from Cogito ergo sumo, Wikimedia Commons) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 16 similar to other areas of Eastern Europe, though they are considered two dif ferent regions on the map. Likewise, w ere it not for the Rio Grande and a large boundary fence dividing the cities of El Paso, Texas and Ciudad Juarez , Mexico ; you might not real ize that this metropolitan area stretches across two countries and world regions. Even within regions, country boundaries often mark spaces of gradual transition rather than a stark delineation between two completely different spaces. The boundary between Peru and Ecuador, for example, is quite relaxed as international boundaries go and residents of the countries can move freely across the boundary to the towns on either side ( Figure 1.16). 1.6 Globalization When we start to explore the spatial distribution of economic development, we find that there are stark differences between and within world regions. Some countries have a very high standard of living and high average incomes, while others have few resources and high levels of poverty. Politically, some countries have stable, open governments, while others have long -standing authoritarian regimes. Thus, world regional geography is, in many ways, a study of global inequality. But the geographic study of inequality is more than just asking where inequalities are present; it is also digging deeper and asking why those inequalities exist. How can we measure inequality? Generally, inequality refers to uneven dist ributions of wealth, which can actually be challenging to measure. By some accounts, the wealthiest one percent of people in the world have as much wealth as the bottom 99 percent. Wealth inequality is just one facet of global studies of inequality, howeve r. There are also differences in income: around half of the world survives on less than $2 per day, and around one -fifth have less than $1 per day ( Figure 1.17). There are also global differences in literacy, life expectancy, and health care . There are differences in the rights and economic opportunities for women compared to men. There are differences in the way resources are distributed and conserved. Furthermore, these differences don’t exist in a bubble. The world is increasingly in terconnected, a process known as globalization . This increased global integration is economic al but also cultural. An economic downturn in one country can affect its Figure 1.16 Sign Welcoming People Entering Peru from Ecuador (Courtesy of Van – ished_user_j123kmqwfk56jd, Wikimedia Commons) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 17 trad ing partners half a world away. A Hollywood movie might be translated in to dozens of different languages and distributed worldwide. Today, it is quite easy for a business woman in the United States to video chat with her factory manager in a less deve loped country. For many, the relative size of the world is shrinking as a result of advances in transportation and communications technology. For others in the poorest, most debt-ridden countries, the world is not flat. As global poverty rates have decreased over the past few decades, the number of people living in poverty within Sub -Saharan Africa has increased. In ad dition, while global economic integration has increased, most monetary transactions still occur within rather than between countries. The core countries can take advan tage of globalization, choosing from a variety of trading partners and suppliers of raw materials, but the same cannot always be said of those in the periphery. Globalization has often led to cultural homogenization, as “Western” culture has increasingly become the global culture. American fast food chains can now be found in a majority of the world’s countries. British and Amer ican pop music plays on radio stations around the world. The Internet , in particular, has facilitated the rapid diffusion of cultural ideas and values. But how does globalization affect local cultures? Some worry that as global culture has become more homo genized, local differences are slowly erasing. Traditional music, clothing, and food preferences might be replaced by foreign cultural features, which can lead to conflict. There is thus a tension between globalization, the benefits of global connectivity, and local culture. It is the uniqueness of the world’s regions, the particular combination of physical land scapes and human activities that have captivated geographers from the earliest explor ers to today’s researchers. And while it might simply be interesting to read about distant cultures and appreciate their uniqueness, geographers continue to dig Figure 1.17 Percentage of People Living on Less than $2.00 per day (UN Estimates, 2007 -2008) (Courtesy of Tony0106, Wikimedia Commons) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 18 deeper and ask why these differences exist. Geography matters. Even as we have become more culturally homogen eous and economically interconnected, there remain global differences in the geography of countries , and these differences can have profound effects. Geo graphic study helps us understand the relationship between the world’s communities, expla in global differences and inequalities, and better address future challenges. 1.7 Can I Map That? Have you ever found driving directions and maps online, used a smartphone to ‘check in’ to your favorite restaurant, or entered a town name or zip code to retrieve the local weather forecast? Every time you and millions of other users perform these tasks, you are making use of Geographic Information Science (GIS cience) and related spatial technologies. Many of these technologies, such as Global Positioning Systems (GPS) and in -vehicle navigation units, are very well-known and you can probably recall the last time you’ve used them. Other applications and services that are the products of GI Science are a little less obvious, but they are every bit as common . In fact, if you’re connected to the Internet, you’re making use of geospatial technologies right now. Every time your browser requests a web page from a Content Delivery Network (CDN), a geographic lookup occurs and the s erver you’re connected to contacts other servers that are closest to it and retrieves the information. This happens so that the delay between your request to view the data and the data being sent to you is as short as possible. Simply put, GI Science and the related technologies are everywhere , and we use them every day ! When it comes to information, “spatial is special.” Reliance on spatial attributes is what separates geographic information from other types of information. There are Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Explore the patterns of world population in terms of total population, arithmetic density, total fertility rate, natural increase rate, and infant mortality r ate. Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 19 several distinguishi ng properties of geographic information. Understanding them, and their implications for the practice of geographic information science is a key utilizing geographic data. 1. Geographic data represent spatial locations and non -spatial attributes measured at c ertain times. 2. Geographic space is continuous. 3. Geographic space is nearly spherical. 4. Geographic data tend to be spatially dependent. Spatial attributes tell us where things are, or where things were at the time the data were collected . By simply including spatial attributes, geographic data allow us to ask a plethora of geographic questions. For example, we might ask “are gas prices in Puyallup high?” The interactive map from can help us with such a question while enabling us to generate many other spatial inquiries related to the geographic variation in fuel prices ( Figure 1.18). Another important characteristic of geographic space is that it is “continuous.” Although the Earth has valleys, canyons, caves, etc., there are no places on Earth without a location, and connections exist from one place to another. Outside of science fiction, there are no tears in the fabric of space -time. Modern technology can measure Figure 1.18 USA National Gas Temperature Map May 7, 2009 by GasBuddy Organization Inc. (Wikimedia, verified permission ) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 20 location very precisely, making it possible to generate extremely detailed depictions of geograp hic feature location (e.g., of the coastline of the eastern U.S). It is often possible to measure so precisely that we collect more location data than we can store and much more than is actually useful for practical applications. How much information is us eful to store or to display in a map will depend on the map scale (how much of the world we represent within a fixed display such as the size of your computer screen) as well as on the map’s purpose. In addition to being continuous, geographic data also t end to be spatially dependent. More simply, “everything is related to everything else, but near things are more related than distant things” (which leads to an expectation that things that are near to one another tend to be more alike than things that are far apart). How alike things are in relation to their proximity to other things can be measured by a statistical calculation known as spatial autocorrelation. Without this fundamental property, geographic information science as we know it today would not be possible. Geographic data comes in many types, from many different sources and captured using many techniques; they are collected, sold, and distributed by a wide array of public and private entities. In general, we can divide the collection of geogra phic data into two main types: 1. Directly collected data 2. Remotely sensed data Directly collected data are generated at the source of the phenomena being measured . Examples of directly collected data include measurements such as temperature readings at spec ific weather stations, elevations recorded by visiting the location of interest, or the position of a grizzly bear equipped with a GPS -enabled collar. Also, included here are data derived from survey (e.g., the census) or observation (e.g., Audubon Christm as bird count). Remotely sensed data are measured from remote distances without any direct contact with the phenomena or need to visit the locations of interest. Satellite images, sonar readings, and radar are al l forms of remotely sensed data. Maps are both the raw material and the product of geographic information systems (GIS). All maps represent features and characteristics of locations, and that representation depends upon data relevant at a particular time. All maps are also selective; they do not show us everything about the place depicted; they show only the particular features and characteristics that their maker decided to include. Maps are often categorized into reference or thematic maps based upon the producer’s decision about what to include and the expectations about how the map will be used . The prototypical reference map depicts the location of “things” that are usually visible in the world; examples include road maps and topographic maps depicting terrain ( Fi gure 1 .19). Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 21 Thematic maps , in contrast, typically depict “themes.” They generally are more abstract, involving more processing and interpretation of data, and often depict concepts that are not directly visible; examples include maps of income, health, climate, or ecological diver sity. There is no clear-cut line between reference and thematic maps, but the categories are useful to recognize because they relate directly to how the maps are intended to be used and to decisions that their cartographers have made in the process of shri nking and abstracting aspects of the world to generate the map. Different types of thematic maps include : • choropleth – a thematic map that uses tones or colors to represent spatial data as average values per unit area ( Figure 1.20) • proportional symbol – uses symbols of different sizes to represent data associated with different areas or locations within the map • isopleth – also known as contour maps or isopleth maps depict smooth continuous phenomena such as precipitation or elevation • dot – u ses a dot symbol to show the presen ce of a feature or phenomenon – d ot maps rely on a visual scatter to show a spatial pattern • dasymetric – an alternative to a choro pleth map but instead of mapping the data so that the region appears uniform , ancillary information is used to model the internal distribution of the data ( Figure 1.20) Figure 1.19 Topographical Map of Continental US by NATIONALATLAS.GOV (Public Domain) Human Geography Geography – Its Na ture and Perspectives 22 1.8 Geo -Spatial Technology Suppose that you’ve launched a new business that manufactures solar -powered lawn mowers. You’re planning a mail campaign to bring this revolutionary new product to the attention of prospective buyers. But, since it’s a small business, you can’t afford to s ponsor coast -to-coast television commercials or to send brochures by mail to more than 100 million U.S. households. Instead, you plan to target the most likely customers – those who are environmentally conscious, have higher than average family incomes, an d who live in areas where there is enough water and the sunshine to support lawns and solar power. Fortunately, lots of data are available to help you define your mailing list. Household incomes are routinely reported to banks and other financial institut ions when families apply for mortgages, loans, and credit cards. Personal tastes related to issues like the environment are reflected in behaviors such as magazine subscriptions and credit card purchases. Market research companies collect such data and tra nsform it into information by creating “lifestyle segments” – categories of households that have similar incomes and tastes. Your solar lawnmower company can purchase lifestyle Figure 1.20 A choropleth map (top) and a dasymetric map (bottom) of the population of Miami Area in 201 0 by United States Geological Survey (Public Domain) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 23 segment information by 5-digit ZIP code, or even by ZIP+4 codes, which designat e individual households. It’s astonishing how valuable information from the millions upon millions of transactions that are recorded every day (Figure 1.21 ). The fact that lifestyle information products are often delivered by geographic areas, such as ZIP codes, speaks to the appeal of geographic information systems (GIS). The scale of these data and their potential applications are increasing continually wit h the advent of new mechanisms for sharing information and making purchases that are linked to our GPS -enabled smartphones. A Geographical Information System (GIS) is a computer -based tool used to help people transform geographic data into geographic information. GIS arose out of the need to perform spatial queries on geographic data (questions addressed to a database such as wanting to know a distance or the location where two objects intersect). A spatial query requires knowledge of locations as well as attributes about that location. For example, an environmental analyst might want to know which public drinking water sources are located within one mile of a known toxic chemical spill. Or, a planner might be called upon to identify property parcels located in areas that are subject to flooding. Numerous tools exist to help users perform database management operations. Microsoft Excel and Access allow users to retrieve specific records, manipulate the records, and create new user content. ESRI’s ArcGIS al lows users to organize and manipulate files, but also map the geographic database files in order to find interesting spatial patterns and processes in graphic form. The use of location -based technologies has reached unprecedented levels. Location – enabled devices, giving us access to a wide variety of LBSs, permeate our households and can be found in almost every mall, office, and vehicle. From digital cameras and mobile phones to in -vehicle navigation units and microchips in our pets, millions of people an d countless devices have access to the Global Positioning System (GPS). Most of us have some basic idea of what GPS is, but just what is it, exactly, that we are all connected to? The Global Positioning System (GPS) is a satellite-based navigation system made up of a network of 24 satellites placed into orbit by the U.S. Department of Defense. GPS was originally intended for military applications, but in the 1980s, the government Figure 1.21 Google Plus Demographics Infographic – examples of the kind of data being collected about you which can be mapped by Status ENGAGE (flikr, CC -BY) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 24 made the system available for civilian use. GPS works in any weather conditions, anywhere in the world, 24 hours a day. In a nutshell, GPS works like this: satellites circle the earth twice a day in a very and transmit a signal to earth . GPS receivers (or smart phones and watches) take this information and use trilateration to calc ulate the user’s exact location . Now, with distance measurements from a few satellites, the receiver can determine the user’s position and display it on the unit’s electronic map (Figure 1.22). Using GPS to determine your location isn’t very useful if you don’t know about the landscape around you. For insta nce, your GPS could tell you that you are in the mall, but without a map , you may not know how to get to the door. There are many stories of people whose maps were out of date , and they followed their GPS into a river or a lake. Remote sensing allows mapm akers to collect physical data from a distance without visiting or interacting directly with the location. The distance between the object and observer can be large, for example , imaging from the Hubble telescope, or rather small, as is the case in the u se of microscopes for examining bacterial growth. In geography, the term remote sensing takes on a specific connotation dealing with space -borne and aerial imaging systems used to remotely sense electromagnetic radiation reflected and emitted from Earth’s surface (Figure 1 .23). Remote sensing systems work in much the same way as a desktop scanner you may connect to your personal computer. A desktop scanner creates a digital image of a document by recording, pixel by pixel, the intensity of light reflected from the document. Color scanners may have three light sources and three sets of sensors, one each for the blue, green, and red wavelengths of visible light. Remotely sensed data, like the images produced by your desktop scanner, consist of reflectance values arrayed in rows and columns that make up raster grids. Figure 1.22 GPS – How It W orks by (Public Domain) Figure 1.23 Remote satellites circle the Earth by NASA (Public Domain) Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and P erspectives 25 Remote sensing is used to solve a host of problems across a wide variety of disciplines. For example, Landsat imagery is used to monitor plant health and foliar change s. In contrast, imagery such as that produced by IKONOS is used for geospatial intelligen ce applications (yes that means spying) and monitoring urban infrastructure. Other satellites, such as AVHRR (Advanced High -Resolution Radiometer), are used to monitor the effects of global warming on vegetation patterns on a global scale. The MODIS (Moder ate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer) Terra and Aqua sensors are designed to monitor atmospheric and oceanic composition in addition to the typical terrestrial applications (Figure 1.24) Figure 1.24 Remote sensing of conflict in Iraq by Development Seed (flickr, CC -BY) Reflection Questions: 1. How do Geographers measure inequality in a tangible way? In what ways is it insufficient? 2. What perspective of the world does the field of Geography use to analyze their field? Explain why this perspective might be used instead of others. 3. Explain the benefits of knowing both the “where” and the “why” as it pertains to geographic inquiry. 4. How is the Köppen Climate Classification system beneficial to identify or authenticate global warming? 5. How does the level of development in a country affect its population growth rate? 6. Based on the information given where do you think the United states falls on the demographic transition model (DTM)? 7. Describe the difference between formal, functional and perceptual regions, and give examples of each. 8. Give an example of a perceptual region on a local, national and international level. 9. Compare the main principles of unitary and federal states. Key AP Terms Location Space Place Scale of analysis Pattern Regionalization Globalization Spatial interaction Spatial behavior Population growth Migration Culture Political control Territory Agricultural production Industrial location Economic development Human settlement patterns Urbanization Spatial data Human -environment Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 26 CH 1 Notes Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspectives 27 CH 1 Notes Human Geography Geography – Its Nature and Perspective s 28 CH 1 Notes Human Geography Population and Migration 29 Chapter 2 Po pulation and Migration AP Enduring Understandings • Knowledge of the geographic patterns and characteristics of human populations facilitates understanding of cultural, politic al, economic, and urban systems • Populations grow and decline over time and space • Causes and consequences of migration are influenced by cultural, demographic, economic, environmental, and political factors Inquiry Questions How and why do populations change? Why do people migrate ? How does migration affect communities? To what extent are current population trends sustainable? 2.1 Population Geographers study where and why people live in particular locations. Neither people nor resources are distributed uniformly across Earth. In regard s to population growth, geographers emphasize three elements: the population size; the rate of increase of world population; the unequal distribution of population growth. Geographers seek to explain why these patterns exist. The subject of overpopulation can be highly divisive given the deep personal views that many people hold. Human geography emphasizes a geographic perspective on population growth as a relative concept. Human-environment interaction and overpopulation can be discussed in the contexts o f carrying capacity , the availability of Earth’s resources , as well as the relationship between people and resources. The study of population has never been more important than it is today. There are over 7 billion people on the planet, but the majorit y of this growth has occurred in the last 100 years, mostly in developing nations. Humans do not live uniformly around the planet, but rather in clusters because of earth’s physical geography. Environments that are too dry, wet, cold or mountainous create a variety of limiting factors to humans. Two -thirds of the world’s p opulation is located within three major clusters: East Asia (China), South Asia (India and Indonesia, and Europe, with the majority in East and South Asia. Demographers, scientists that study population issues, and other scientists say there is more to the story than simple population growth. Ecologists believe that humans have outgrown the Earth’s carrying capacity . Simply put, there is just not enough of the world’s resources to give every human a standard of living expected by mo st Americans. In fact, if all the people on the planet lived the average American lifestyle, it would require over three E arths. At this level of consumption, the planet cannot s ustain a population of 7 billion, though we are expected to reach 9 billion by 2100. Human Geography Population and Migration 30 2.2 Distribution of the World’s Population Economist Jeffrey Sachs, former head of the United Nations Millennium Project, believes that there are two reasons why global p opulation and extreme poverty occur where they do:  Capitalism distributes wealth to nations bet ter than socialism or communism  Geography is a major factor in population distribution in relationshi p to wealth For example, population tends to be lower in extreme environments such as arid climates, rainforests, polar or mountainous regions. Another example is a nation that has a large body of water within its boundaries or has large mineral s deposits or resources is likely to have more wealth and a larger population. Humans only occupy five percent of the Earth’s surface because oceans, deserts, rainforests, and glaciers cover much of the planet (Figure 2.1 .) . The term for areas where huma ns permanently settle is ecumene . Population growth and technology dramatically increase the ecumene of humans, which affects the world’s ecosystems. It is argued that the world can’t support all the humans on the planet. On some level that’s true and on another it is not. For example, we could pack all 7 billion humans in California, but that’s not desirable, sanitary, or sustainable. The reality is that humans can not live in many parts of the world due to moisture, temperature, or growing season issues. For example, 20 percent of the world is too dry to support Figure 2.1 Remotest places on earth – each grid cell on the map is related to the same amount of space in the physical world. The size of the grid reflects its accessibility, as measured by the time it takes to travel to the nearest city over land. The larger a grid cell, the longer it takes to get to the nearest city. (Benjamin Hennig permissions granted) Human Geography Population and Migration 31 humans. This mostly has to do with high-pressure systems around 30 degrees north and south of the equator where constant sunny conditions have created some of the world’s largest deserts. Some of these include the Sahara, Arabian Peninsula, Thar, Takla Makan, and Gobi deserts. Most deserts do not provid e enough moisture to support agriculture for large populations. Regions that receive too much moisture also cause problems for human settlement. These are tropical rainforest regions located between the Tropic of Cancer (23.5 degrees North) and the Tropic of Capricorn (23.5 degrees South). The problem with these regions of the world has to do with the soil erosion due to high precipitation. High levels of precipitation greatly hinder agricultural production because nutrients in the soil are quickly washed away. This is partly why slash -and -burn agr iculture occurs in these regions. Locals will burn part of the forest to put nutrients back into the ground. This only works for a short period because the precipitation washes away nutrients within a few years, so farmers move on to other parts of the for est with their slash -and-burn practices. Additionally, regions that are too cold pose problems for large population clusters and food production. The cold Polar Regions have a short growing season, and many of the Polar Regions have limited amounts of moi sture because they are covered by high – pressure systems (much like the desert regions). Thus, cold polar regions are limited by temperature and lack of moisture , despite access to snow, ice, and glaciers. Mountainous and highland regio ns lack population clusters due to steep slo pes, snow and ice cover, and short growing seasons. Figure 2.2 Population density (people per km2) map of the world in 1994. Red and pink areas denote region s of highest population density by USDA (Public Domain) Human Geography Population and Migration 32 2.3 Population Profiles Demographers use various ways to measure and analyze population density. The arithmetic density also called population density (Fig ure 2.2 ), of a population is the total number of people in proportion to the area of land . This may not be the best indicator of true population density because there are many environm ents humans can’t live comfortably in (i.e. deserts, arctic, tropical forests, etc.). It also doesn’t consider if the ground is usable for producing food. The physiological density of a population is the total population in proportion to the area of arable land suited for agriculture. Even more specifically, agricultural density refers to a number of farmers available compared to arable land. A high agricultural density suggests that the available agricultural land used for farming and the farmers who are capable of producing and harvesting food is reaching its limit for that region. If the demand for food continues or rises, the risk is that there will not be enough arable land to feed their people. In contrast, an area with a low agricultural density has a higher potential for agricultural production. Economically, a low agricultural density would be favorable for future growth . To understand these methods , let’s look at an example. Let’s say we have City X, which is home to 10,000 people, 6,000 of whom are farmers, and has a square area of 10,000 kilometers and a farmable square area of 4,000 kilometers. If we look at the arithmetic density, we come up with a population density of 1 person per kilometer (10,000 people/10,000 kilometers ). If we look at the agricultural density , we come up with 1.5 people per kilometer (6,000 farmers/4,000 kilometers of farmable land ). Finally, if we look at the physiological density, we come up with 2.5 people p er kilometer (10,000 people/4,000 kilometers of farmable land ). Each of these numbers tells us something different. Figure 2.3 A map of the population density of the United States down to county level based on 2010 Cen sus data (Wikimedia, Public Domain) Human Geography Population and Migr ation 33 Of these three methods, physiological density is considered the best way to measure population density because it is most reflective of pop ulation pressure on arable land. Arable land is any land that is suitable for growing crops. The higher the population density we find from this method, the faster the arable land is going to be used up or reach its output limit. That means there won’t be enough land for the people that are coming into the area. In our example, if 100,000 more people moved to the same area, we would end up with a physiological density of 27.5 people per square kilometer (110,000 people/ 4,000 kilometers of farmable land) A useful tool used by scientists that focus on demographics is a population profile (also called a population pyramid ). A population profile visually demonstrates a particular region’s demographic structure in relation to males and females and is often expressed in nu mbers or percentages ( Figure 2.4 ). The following are some characteristics of population profiles: • A bell -shaped graph will indicate that a country has experienced high population growth in the early past but is experiencing a slow decrease. • Narrow triangles show countries with high population growth. • As a country’s population boom begins to age, a strange profile shape can develop with a wider top and a narrower base. • Populations that have stabilized have profile s where the bulge of past high birth rates migrates to older populations moderately and not quickly, while the base has a moderately smaller but not dramatic base. • When a country has a large immigrant population, specifically “guest workers” that usually tend to be men, the male side of the graph will be dr amatically wider than the women side of the graph. • If a country has experienced war, a catastrophic disaster, or a genocide that eliminates an entire generation, that generation will have a smaller number or percent than the generations before or after. For example, a major war may cause a reduction in populations in their mid -20s and 30s, which would appear on the profile graph. Figure 2.4 Population profiles (Courtesy Wikipedia Commons) Human Geography Population and Migration 34 2.3 Global Population Trends A region’s population will grow as long as their crude birth rates are greater than their crude death rates. A crude birth rate (CBR) is the total number of live births for every 1,000 people in a given year ( Figure 2.5 ) . So, a crude birth rate of 10 would mean ten babies are born every year for every 1,000 people in that region. Crude death rates (CDR) are the total number of deaths per 1,000 people in a given year . When comparing CBRs to CDRs, a region’s natural increase rate can be determined. A natural increase rate (NIR) is the percent a population will grow per year, excluding annual migration. Usually , a n NIR of 2.1 is required to maintain or stabilize a region’s population. Any more than that and the population will grow, any less than an NIR of 2.1 causes population contraction. The reason why the NIR percent is 2.1 and not 2.0 for stability is because not every human will pair up and have a chil d because of genetics, choice, or death before childbearing years. Once we know the NIR, we can determine doubling time. Doubling time is the how many years it would take for a defined population to double in size, assuming that NIR stays the same over time. Currently , about 82 million people are added to world’s global population every year. 2.4 Key Factors Influencing Population Change Three key factors to understand when trying to predict or analyze population change are : total fertility rate, infant mortality rate and life expectancy at birth. Total fertility rate ( TFR) is the average number of children a woman Figure 2.5 Crude birth rates 2007 (Wikimedia, Public Domain) TOTAL FERTILITY RATE IS A DIRECT EXPRESSI ON OF A NATION’S HEA LTH CARE SYSTEM BECAUSE IT REFLECTS A POPULATION’S ACCESS TO DOCTORS, NURSES, HOSPITALS, A ND MEDICINE. Human Geography Population and Migration 35 would be expected to have during childbearing years (between 15 -49 years old). The global average for TFRs is a bout 2.5, but in less developed countries it’s as high as 5.0 or higher and in more developed countries it’s as low as 2.0 or less. Fertility patterns can vary widely within countries. Racial and ethnic minorities may have higher fertility rates than the majority, and families with low incomes or low levels of education typically have more children than those that are affluent or well -educated. Women who work outside the home generally have fewer children than those who stay home, and rural families tend to have more children than city dwellers. In 2016, the number of bi rths per 1,000 people worldwide was 20, with extremes ranging from a low of 8 or 9 (mainly in N orthern and Western Europe and Hong Kong), to 60 or more in a few West African nations (Populati on Reference Bureau, 2016 World Population Data Sheet, pp. 10-19). Mortality is the second major variable that shapes population trends. A population’s age structure is an important factor influencing its death rate. Death rates are highest among infants , young children, and the elderly, so societies with many elderly people are likely to have more deaths per 1,000 people than those where most citizens are young adults. Developed countries with good medical services have more people in older age brackets than developing countries, so the developed societies can have higher death rates even though they are healthier places to live overall. Infant mortality rate (IMR) is determined by calculating how many children die before the age of 1 per 1,000 live birth s annually. The highest IMRs are in less developed countries where rates can be as high as 80 or more. Conversely, in a place like Europe , it’s as low as 5 percent. Life expectancy at birth is straightforward —it’s an average of how many years a newborn is expected t o live, assuming that mortality rates stay consistent. In more developed countries, the average life expectancy is over 80 years old , and in less developed countries it is only around 40 years ( Figure 2.6 ). When we compare CBRs, CDRs, and TFRs, we find that the world has a large population of youth with the largest percent in less developed countries. This causes great stress on the education systems and to some extent the health care systems in poorer countries. But more developed countries tend to have older demographics, which tends to cause stresses on the health care and social safety nets of those countries. The Figure 2.6 Gains in life expectancy are making Social Security and medical programs more important than ever for the well -being of the elderly. (2004, United Nations World Population Prospects) Human Geography Population and Migration 36 dependency ratio discussed later in this chapter, is used to understand these stresses and is the number of people who are too young or too old to work compared to the number of people who are in their “productiv e years.” The larger the ratio, the greater the economic stress on those nations. 2.5 Demographic Transition Model Human geographers have determined that all nations go through a four-stage process called the demographic transition model (DTM) ( Figure 2.7 ). Developed in 1929 by American demographer Warren Thompson, t he DTM’s function is to demonstrate the natural sequence of population change over time depending on development and modernization. This can help geographers and other scientists examine the causes and consequences of fertility, mortality, and natural increase rates. Th ough controversial, the DTM is used as the benchmark for forecasting human populati on growth regionally and globally. STAGE 1: LOW GROWTH RATE We have liv ed in the first stage of the Demographic Transition Model for most of human existence. In this first stage, CBRs and CDRs fluctuated significantly over time because of living conditio ns, food output, environmental co nditions, war, and disease. However , the natural increase of the world was pretty stable because th e CBRs and CDRs were about equal. But around 8,000 BC, the world’s population began to grow dramatically due to the first agricultural revolution . During this time, humans learn to domesticate plants and animals for personal use and became less reliant on hunting and gathering for sustenance. While t his transition allowed for more sta ble food production and village population s to grow, W ar and disease prevented population growth from occurring on a global scale . STAGE 2: HIGH GROWTH RATE Around the mid -1700s, global populations began to grow ten times faster than in the past for two reasons: The Industrial Revolution and increased wealth. The Industrial Revolution brought with it a variety of technological improvements in agricultural Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Identify and explain the spatial patterns and distribution of wor ld population based on total population, density, total fertility rate, natural increase rate, and infant mortality rate. Human Geography Population and Migration 37 production and food supply. Increased wealth in Europe, and later North America, because of the Industrial Revolution meant that more money and resources could be devoted to medicine, medical technology, water sanitation, and personal hygiene. Sewer system s installed in cities led to public health i mprovements . All of this dramatically caused CDRs to drop around the world. At first, CBRs stayed high as CDRs dropped, this caused populations to increase in Europe and North America. Over time, this would chang e. Africa, Asia, and Latin America moved into Stage 2 of the demographic transition model 200 years later for different reasons than their European and North American counterparts. The medicine created in Europe and North America was brought into these less d eveloped nations creating what is now called the medical revolution . This diffusion of medicine to this region caused death rates to drop quickly. While the medical revolution reduced death rates, it did not bring with it the wealth and improved living con ditions, and development that the Industrial Revolution created. Global population growth is greatest in the regions that are still in Stage 2. STAGE 3: MODERATE GROWTH RATE Today, Europe and North America have moved to Stage 3 of the demographic transition model. A nation moves from Stage 2 to Stage 3 when CBRs begin to drop while CDRs simultaneously remain low or even continue to fall. It should be noted that the natural rate of increase in nations within Stage 3 is moderate because CBRs are somewhat hig her than CDRs. The United S tates, Canada, and nations in Europe entered this stage in the early 20th Century. Latin American nations entered this stage later in the century. Advances in technology and medicine cause a decrease in IMR and overall CDR durin g Stage 2. Social and economic changes bring about a decrease in CBR during Stage 3. Nations that begin to acquire wealth tend to have fewer children as they move away from rural -based development structures toward urban -based structures because more child ren survive childhood and the need for large families for agricultural work decreases. Additionally, women gain more legal rights and chose to enter the workforce, own property, and have fewer children as nations move into Stage 3. Figure 2.7 Demographic Transition Model (Wikipedia Commons, Public Domain) Human Geography Population and Migration 38 STAGE 4: LOW GROWTH RA TE A nation enters Stage 4 of the demographic transition model when CBRs equal to or become less than CDRs. When CBRs are equal to CDRs, a nation will experience zero population growth (ZPG). NOTE: Sometimes a nation could have a slightly higher CBR, but still experience ZPG. This occurs in many countries where girls do not live as long before they reach their childbearing years due to gender inequality . When a country enters Stage 4 , the population ages meanwhile fewer children are born. This creates a great strain on the social safety net programs of a country as is tries to support older citizens who are no longer working and contributing to the economy. Most of Europe has entered Stage 4. The United States would be approaching this stage if it weren’t for migration into the country. A nation in the first two stages of the transition model will have a large base of young people and smaller proportion of older people. A nation in Stage 4 will have a much smaller base of young people (fewer children), but a much larger population of elderly (decreased CDR). A nation with a large youth population is more likely to be rural with high birthrates and possibly high death rates. This can tell geographers a lot about the heal th care system of that nation. Moreover, a nation in Stage 4 with a large elderly p opulation will have much fewer young people supporting the economy . These two examples represent the dependency ratio , mentioned earlier in this chapter. This ratio is the number of people – young and old – who are dependent on the working force. Human geographers like to focus on the following demographic groups: 0 -14 years old, 15-64 years old, and 65 and older. Individuals who are 0 -14 and over 65 are considered dependents (though this is changing in older generations) . One -third of all young people li ve in less developed nations (LDN) , and this places great strain on those nations infrastructure such as schools, hospitals, and day -care. Older individuals in more developed nations (MDL) benefit from health care services, but require more help and resour ces from the government and economy. Another ratio geographers look at is the number of males compared to females. This is called the sex ratio . Globally, more males are born than females , but males also have a Figure 2.8 Indian girls making tea in the village of Than Gaon (Wikimedia Commons) Human Geography Population and Migration 39 higher death rate than females . But understanding a nation’s sex ratio and their dependency ratio helps human geographers analyze fertility rates and natural increase. As noted earlier, population growth has increased dramatically in the last century . No country is still in Stage 1 , a nd very few have moved into Stage 4. The majority of the world is either in Stage 2 or 3 , both hav ing higher crude birth rate s than crude death rates; therefore, the world’s population is over 7 billion today. In summary, the demographic transition model is a model that helps human geographers understand and predict the demographics of individual nations . In Stage 1, CBR and CDR are very high and thus produce a low natural increase. In Stage 2, a nation’s CBR stays relatively high , but the CDR drops dramatically, producing the highest growth in population. In Stage 3, CDR stays low; however, changes in social customs and economic conditions result in a moderately low CBR . Finally, nations in Stage 4 have nearly equal CBR and CDR (sometimes higher CDR), cre ating a drop in natural increase. 2.6 Overpopulation In 1798, Thomas Malthus published a short but revolutionary work called “An Essay on the Principle of Population.” Malthus states that future population growth would be determined by two facts and one opinion. The facts were that food is necessary for survival and that men and women would continue to have sex, thus producing offs pring. His opinion is that if the population is not restrained by war, famine, and/or disease, population growth would occur exponentially (Figure 2.9 ). He also argues that Figure 2.9 Graph of Exponential Population Growth (by Clevercapybara, CC BY Human Geography Population and Migration 40 agricultural production of food could only grow arithmetically . The overall assumption is that population growth will quickly grow beyond food production leading to food shortages and famines. Malthus’ theory has not come to fruition, yet, due to technological advances in agriculture (fertilizers, insect and drought resistance and better farming techniques). Some discredit Malthus because his hypothesis is based on a world supply of resources being fixed rather tha n expanding. Humans have the ability to expand the supply of food and other resources by using new technologies to offset scarcity of minerals and arable land. Thus, we can use resources more efficiently and substitute scarce resources with new ones . Even with a global human population of 7 billion, food production has grown faster than the global rate of increase (NIR). Better growing techniques, higher-yielding , and genetically modified seeds, as well as cultivation of more land, have helped expand food s upplies. While new technologies have helped to increase food production, there are not enough emerging technologies to handle supply and demand. Adding to the problem is the fact that many insects have developed a resistance to pesticides. These problems have cause d a slowdown and a leveling -off of food production in many regions of the world. Without breakthroughs in safe and sustainable food production, food supply will not keep up with population growth. Figure 2.10 Population and the Planet by Carlos Omar Garcia Pascual (CC BY NC SA) Human Geography Population and Migration 41 Others believe that population growth isn’t a bad thing. A large population could stimulate economic growth, and therefore, production of food. Population growth could generate more customers and more ideas for improving technology. Additionally, some maintain that no cause -and-effect relationship exi sts between population growth and economic development. They argue that poverty, hunger, and other social welfare problems associated with lack of economic development, famines, and war are a result of unjust social and economic institutions, not populatio n growth. Lately, there has been a rise in neo -Malthusian thought . One notable figure is Paul Ehrlich. In his very popular book, The Population Bomb, Ehrlich argues that population growth cannot continue without controls because the planet will reach the carrying capacity of our species. In short, we must consider environmental factors as we discuss overpopulation concerns. For example, even though humans produce four times the amount of food that we consume, we produce our food at the price of the enviro nment. The rapid population growth of the world has caused massive deforestation in the Boreal Forests and rainforests, increasing desertification that encroaches into arable land, over-fishing of the oceans, mass extinction of species, air and water pollu tion, and anthropogenic (human-induced) climate change. All of these things have economic and environmental costs that we must consider. 2.7 Population Policy Governments and other entities can dramatically influence population change to increase or decrease population growth in their country by promoting anti -nat ion alist or pro -nat ion alist policies . Some countries take dramatic steps to reduce their population. For example, China’s One -Child Policy dictated that each family (husband and wife) could legally have only one child. Families that followed this policy were often given more money by the government or better housing. If a family illegally had another child, the y would be fined heavily. Children born illegally cannot attend school and have a difficult time finding jobs, getting government licenses, or even getting married. Some have reported that the government would force abortions on families with more than one child. One of the major consequences of this policy was a dramatic inc rease in abortions and infanticides, especially of females. Female infanticide is linked directly to a global cultural trend that privileges males over females —baby boys are desired, especially if the family is only allowed one child. This specific focus o n eliminating women is called gendercide . Half the Sky , written by Nicholas Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn, documents global gendercide and what is being done to combat this problem. Population Campaigns Compare how three developing nations have tried to slow rapid population growth. – campaign.html Human Geography Population and Migration 42 After the two great world wars, the United Nations Population Commission and the International Planned Parenthood Federation began to advocate for more global populatio n control. Many groups who advocate for population control focus on: • Changing cultural attitudes that keep population rates high (or low) • Providing contraception to least developed countries (LDC) • Helping countries study population trends by improving census counts • Empowering women and emphasizing gender equality It is believed that worldwide, over 60 percent of women between ages 15-49 use some form of contraception. This varies regionally. In the United States , contraception use is at nearly 75 percent, whereas in Africa it is around 30 percent. The general consensus today is that the focus on population planning should be on gender equality and improving the social status of women around the world. This is the focus of the International Conference on Population and Development . Religious organizations are also concerned with population growth; however, they focus on contraception issues and not strictly population growth. Some religions and political entities find contraception use immoral which has influenced some governments t o make the access to and use of them illegal. 2.8 Migration Geography Migration is the physical movement of people from one place to another; it may be over long distances, such as moving from one country to another, and can occur as individuals, family u nits, or large groups. When referring to international movement, migration is called immigration . Some interesting patterns occur with migration. Most people that migrate travel only a short distance from their original destination and usually within their country, usually due to economic factors. This is called internal migration . Internal migration c an be divided up even further into interregional migration (the permanent movement from one region of a country to another region) and intraregional migration (the permanent movement within a single region of a country). Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Identify U.S. population data and certain spatial patterns. Human Geography Population and Migration 43 The other type of migration is cal led international migration , which is the movement from one country to another. Some people can voluntarily migration based on individual choice. At other times, an individual must leave against his or her will. This is forced migration . Ultimately, the di stance people migrate depends on economic, gender, family status , and cultural factors. For example, long -distance migration tends to involve males looking for employment and traveling by themselves rather than risk ing to take their families. Migration is very dynamic around the world with peaks in different regions at different times. As noted earlier, there are several reasons why people migra te, but where are people migrating to or from ? Migration transition is the change in migration patterns within a society caused by industrialization, population growth, and other social and economic changes that also produce the demographic transition. A c ritical factor in all forms of migration is mobility —the ability to move eith er permanently or temporarily. There are several reasons why people migrate known as push and pull factors , and they occur on economic, cultural, or environmental lines. Push fa ctors are events and conditions that compel an individual to move from a location. Pull factors are conditions that influence migrants to move to a particular location. The number one reason why people migrate is for economic reasons. This is because peopl e either get “pushed” away from where they live due to a lack of employment opportunities or pulled because somewhere else either offers more jobs/higher paying jobs. Cultural push factors usually involve slavery, political instability, ethnic cleansing, famine, and/or war. People who choose to flee or are forced to flee as a result of these problems are often refugees. The United States Committee for Refugees classifies a refugee as someone who has been forced from their homes and cannot return because Figure 2.11 This map illustrates the migration of humanity across the Earth with all movement originating in Africa and with the estimated dates of arrival shown at key directions and locations. (Benjamin Hennig ii d ) Human Geography Population and Migration 44 of their religion, race, nationality, or political opinion. In 2010, the United Nations High Commission for Refugees estimated that there are over 44 million people worldwide that have been forcibly displaced. The number grows to another 27 million when you consider internally displaced persons (IDPs). Cultural pull factors could include people who want to live in democratic societies, gender equality, or educational or religious opportunities. There has been a dramatic i ncrease in immigration into the United States from Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East. Some from these regions migrate to the U.S. out of economic necessity. We hear quite a lot about guest workers in the United States. These are individuals who migrate temporarily to take up jobs in other countries. This phenomenon is also known as transnational migration . Others migrate to escape conflicts such as the civil wars in Somalia, Sudan, and Ethiopia. Ge nocides in Rwanda (1994) and more recently Darfur, Sudan have forced internal and international migration. The wars in Afghanistan and Iraq have also forced migration from these regions. Washington Post reporter Sudarsan Raghavan reported on February 4, 2007, that the U.N. High Commission for Refugees estimates that over 2 million Iraqis (nearly 8 percent of the pre-war population) have been forced to migrate to nearby nations of Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. A variety of environmental push and pull factors also influence migration patterns. Environmental pull factors can include peop le wanting to live in particular environments. For example, many elderly people like to live in Hawaii because they prefer the recreational opportunities that are provided for retired individuals. Some people want to live where snow activities are availabl e or near an ocean. Push factors often are related to the frequency of natural disasters such as earthquakes, tsunamis, hurricanes, or flash floods that a region could experience. Climatic push/pull factors, such as droughts, also influence migration patte rns. A very recent example of this is the drought and famine in East Africa. US AID and the Famine Early Warning System track potential famines globally so that relief organizations can have a heads up and be more proactive when events occur. People who have been pushed for environmental reasons are called Figure 2.12 Click on the picture to see a short video from the Famine Early Warning System regarding conditions in East Africa Human Geography Population and Migration 45 environmentally displaced persons (also called environmental refuge es). The problem with these refugees is that they are not protected or given the same rights under the 1951 Refugee Convention. Under the convention, a refugee is a person with: “well – founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion nationali ty, and membership of a particular social group or political opinion, who is outside the country of his nationality and , owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country.” But more and more people are becoming environmental refugees because o f climate change, droughts, flooding from massive storm systems, water shortages, and more. Figure 2.13 Kosovo Refugees fleeing their homeland in the Blace area, The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (United Nations, CC -BY0NC -SA) Figure 2.14 Circular plot of migration flows between and within world regions 2005 – 2010. Tick marks show the numb er of migrants (inflows and outflows) in millions. Only flows containing at least 170,000 migrants are shown. (Credit: Abel et al. 2014, Science/AAAS ) Click on the image for a link to the interactive migration map. Human Geography Population and Migration 46 2.9 Questions for the Future The issue of global human populations is often controversial because there is no clear consensus on how to deal with it. What demographers do know is that there are over 7.3 billion people on the planet, but the y are not evenly distributed evenly around the world. One global pattern that is consistent is water; nearly 80 percent of the world’s population lives near a large body of water.  Why do you think populations converge on large bodies of water?  What happens to populations when there is a shortage of water? There are a variety of ways that geographers and demographers study population dynamics and profiles, often representing this data in the form of diagrams, graphs, and most importantly maps. One way social scientists have tried to describe historical, current, and future population trends is with the Demographic Transition Model. The model tries to describe how more developed countries progressed with their demographics compared to less developed countries today. Some argue that though the model predicts demographic trends in North America and Europe, the model does not accurately represent population trends ot her regions of the world. Others say the model is too simplistic because environmental and cultural factors are not considered. Another area of debate is what the potential ramifications could be as the human population exceeds past 8 and 9 billion by 2050. This debate started a while ago with the Malthus theory. Many ecologists believe humans have reached the earth’s carrying capacity and cannot sustain such large populations. Others argue that technology has Figure 2.15 Hydrologists typically assess scarcity by looking at the population -water equation. An area is experiencing water stress when annual water supplies drop below 1,700 m3 per person. When annual water suppl ies drop below 1,000 m3 per person, the population ( World Water Development Report 4 . World Water Assessment Programme (WWAP), Ma rch 2012) Human Geography Population and Migration 47 consistently kept ahead of food scarcity concerns and that high populations could be a benefit for less developed countries as a way to improve development. Geographers also understand that humans are migrating species and with technology , today can move across great distances. The reason for migration varies, but it all comes down to push or pull factors related to economic, political, social, or environmental reason. Many of these travelers are temporary living as guest workers until they need to move on. Today, many migrants are refugees, living in a variety of living conditions from complex metropolitans to squatter towns or refugee camps. O ne thing we do know about human migration is that the majority of humans will die in t he same town they were born in . Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Identify and cite reasons why some regions of the world experience h igh and low net migration. Reflection Questions: 1. What might be some risk factors involved in migrating to a new country? 2. Concurrently what might be some benefits of international migration? 3. What types of environment are we most likely to find population clusters? 4. Explain w hat a population profile is and what aspects affect it. 5. Describe the relationship between CBR and CDR. 6. What are the three- different push/pull factors that generally influence decisions on whether to migrate? How do each of these factors play a role? Key AP Terms Political organization of space Total fertility rate Refugees Economic development Infant mortality rate Immigration Location Doubling time Internal migration Space Natural increase Environmental degradation Place Pro -natalist policies Natural hazards Scale of analysis Anti -natalist polices Malthusian theory Pattern Population pyramids Demographic transition Crude birth rate Fertility Epidemiological Model Crude death rate Mortality Human Geography Population and Migration 48 CH 2 Notes Human Geography Population and Migration 49 CH 2 Notes Human Geography Population and Migration 50 CH 2 Notes Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 51 Chapter 3 Cultural Patterns and Processes AP Enduring Understandings • Concepts of culture frame the shared behaviors of a society. • Culture varies by place and region. Inquiry Questions How are folk cultures sustained? How is popular culture diffused? How can local and popular cultures be seen in the cultural landscape ? What do toponyms tell us about place and globalization? What role does religion play in political conflicts? How do race, ethnicity and gender affect identity? How does geography reflect and shape power relations hips among groups? 3 .1 What is culture? Humans are social creatures. Since the dawn of Homo sapiens nearly 250,000 years ago, people have grouped together into communities to survive. Living together, people form common habits and behaviors —from specific methods of childrearing to preferred techniques for obtaining food. In modern -day Paris, many people shop daily at outdoor markets to pick up what they need for their evening meal, buying cheese, meat, and vegetables from different specialty stalls. In the United States, the majority of people shop once a week at supermarkets, filling large carts to the brim. How would a Parisian perceive U.S. shopping behaviors that Americans take for granted? Almost every human behavior, from shopping to marriage to expressions of feelings, is learned. In the United States, people te nd to view marriage as a choice between two people, based on mutual feelings of love. In other nations and in other times, marriages have been arranged through an intricate process of interviews and negotiations between entire families, or in other cases, through a direct system, such as a “mail order bride.” To someone raised in New York City, the marriage customs of a family from Nigeria may seem strange or even wrong. Conversely, someone from a traditional Kolkata family might be perplexed with the idea of romantic love as the foundation for marriage and lifelong commitment. In other words, the way in which people view marriage depends largely on what they have been taught. Behavior based on learned customs is not a bad thing. Figure 3.1 would a visitor from the suburban United States act and feel on this crowded Tokyo train? (Photo courtesy of simonglucas/Flickr) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 52 Being familiar with unwritt en rules helps people feel secure and “normal.” Most people want to live their daily lives confident that their behaviors will not be challenged or disrupted. But even an action as seemingly simple as commuting to work evidence a great deal of cultural pro priety. Take the case of going to work on public transportation , w hether people are commuting in Dublin, Cairo, Mumbai, or San Francisco, many behaviors will be the same, but significant differences may arise . Typically, a passenger will find a marked bus stop or station, wait for their bus or train, pay an agent before or after boarding, and quietly take a seat if one is available. However, when boarding a bus in Cairo, passengers might have to run, because b uses there often do not come to a full stop to take on patrons. Dublin bus riders would be expected to extend an arm to indicate that they want the bus to stop for them. And when boarding a commuter train in Mumbai, passengers must squeeze into overstuffed cars amid a lot of pushing and shoving on the crowded platforms. That kind of behavior would be considered the height of rudeness in the United States, but in Mumbai , it reflects the daily challenges of getting around on a train system that is taxed to capacity. In this example of commuting, culture consists of thoughts (expectations about personal space, for example) and tangible things (bus stops, trains, and seating capacity). Material culture refers to the objects or belongings of a group of people ( Figure 3.2 ). Metro passes and bus tokens are part of material culture, as are automobiles, stores, and the physical structures where people worship. Nonmaterial culture , in contrast, consists of the ideas, attitudes, and beliefs of a society – including religion and language.  Material and nonmaterial aspects of culture are linked, and physical objects often symbolize cultural ideas. A metro pass is a material object, but it represents a form of nonmaterial culture, namely, capitalism, and the acceptance of paying for transportation. Clothing, hairstyles, and jewelry are part of material culture, but the appropriateness of wearing certain clothing for specific events re flects nonmaterial culture. A school building belongs to material culture, but the teaching methods and educational standards are part of education’s nonmaterial culture. Figure 3.2 Material culture: Wo uld you know what these items are used for ? (The C -shaped jade dragon of Hongshan; Norwegian smelling salt container; Traditional Moroccan shoes called “babouches” ; courtesy of Wikimedia Commons). Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 53 These material and nonmaterial aspects of culture can vary subtly from region to region. As people travel farther way from where they live , moving from one region to entirely different parts of the world, certain material and nonmaterial aspects of culture become dramatically unfamiliar. What happens when we encounter different cultures? As we interact with cultures other than our own, we become more aware of the d ifferences and commonalities between others’ worlds and our own. Often, a comparison of one culture to another w ill reveal obvious differences; however, all cultures share common elements. Cultural universals are patterns or traits that are globally commo n to all societies. One example of a cultural universal is the family unit: every human society recognizes a family structure that regulates sexual reproduction and the care of children. Even so, how that family unit is defined and how it functions vary. I n many Asian cultures, for example, family members from all generations commonly live together in one household. In these cultures, young adults continue to live in the extended household family structure until they marry and join their spouse’s household, or they may remain and raise their nuclear family within the extended family’s homestead. In the United States, by contrast, individuals are expected to leave home and live independently for a period before forming a family unit that consists of parents and their offspring. Other cultural universals include customs like funeral rites, weddings, and celebrations of births. However, each culture may view th e ceremonies quite differently. Anthropologist George Murdock first recognized the existence of cultu ral universals while studying systems of kinship around the world. Murdock found that cultural universals often revolve around basic human survival, such as finding food, clothing, and shelter, or around shared human experiences, such as birth and death or illness and healing. Through his research, Murdock identified other universals including language, the concept of personal names, and, interestingly, jokes. Humor seems to be a universal way to release tensions and create a sense of unity among people. So ciologists consider humor necessary to human interaction because it helps individuals navigate otherwise tense situations. Section 2.1: Download for free at ntents/02040312 -72c8 -441e -a685 – [email protected] Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 54 Is music a cultural universal? Imagine that you are sitting in a theater, watching a film. The movie opens with the heroine sitting on a park bench with a grim expression on her face. Cue the music. The first slow and mournful notes play in a minor key. As the melody continues, the heroine turns her head and sees a man walking toward her. The music slowly gets louder, and the dissonance of the chords sends a prickle of fear running down your spine. You se nse that the heroine is in danger. Now imagine that you are watching the same movie, but with a different soundtrack. As the scene opens, the music is soft and soothing, with a hint of sadness. You see the heroine sitting on the park bench and sense her lo neliness. Suddenly, the music swells. The woman looks up and sees a man walking toward her. The music grows fuller, and the pace picks up. You feel your heart rise in your chest. This is a happy moment. Music has the ability to evoke emotional responses. I n television shows, movies, even commercials, music elicits laughter, sadness, or fear. Are these types of mu sical cues cultural universals? In 2009, a team of psychologists, led by Thomas Fritz of the Max Planck Institute for Human Cognitive and Brain Sci ences in Leipzig, Germany, studied people’s reactions to music that they’d never heard (Fritz et al. 2009). The research team traveled to Cameroon, Africa, and asked Mafa tribal members to listen to Western music. The tribe, isolated from Western culture, had never been exposed to Western culture and had no context or experience within which to interpret its music. Even so, as the tribal members listened to a Western piano piece, they were able to recognize three basic emotions: happiness, sadness, and fear . Music, it turns out, i s a sort of universal language. Researchers also found that music can foster a sense of wholeness within a group. In fact, scientists who study the evolution of language have concluded that originally language (an established compon ent of group identity) and music were one (Darwin 1871). Additionally, since music is largely nonverbal, the sounds of music can cross societal boundaries more easily than words. Music allows people to make connections, where language might be a more difficult barricade. As Fritz and his team found, music and the emotions it conveys can be cultural universals. Download for free at 72c8-441e-a685- [email protected] Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 55 3.2 Folk vs. Popular Culture While music may be considered a cultural universal, there is a unique difference between folk culture and popular culture forms of music . Folk culture (sometim es referred to as local culture) is distinguished by cultural elements which are practiced by small, homogeneous groups that see themselves as a community apart from others. These unique cultural groups are often physically isolated in rural areas, or they are socially isolated by an activ e rejection of popular culture. In contrast, popular culture is found in large, heterogeneous societies that share certain cultural elements but Folk/Local Culture Popular Culture  A Culture traditionally practiced by a small, rural homogeneous populations.  Folk culture varies greatly from place to place but changes slowly.  Not commodified.  The culture traits found in large, urban populations that are heterogeneous (different from each other) but who nonetheless share the popular culture traits.  Popular culture varies little from place to place but changes quickly.  Commodified on global scale. 9 Folk customs are so deeply embedded in a local culture that the time, hearth and innovator of folk c ulture traits are usually unknown.  Folk culture arises out of the everyday activities of rural life.  The time, place, and innovator of a given popular culture innovation are usually well known: big cities in North America, Europe, and Japan.  Popular culture arises from a combination of advances in industrial technology and increased leisure time.  The spread of folk culture typically follows a process of relocation diffusion (migration of people bringing a cultural trait or cultural complex with them) .  Folk culture is transmitted more slowly and on a smaller scale than popular culture.  The spread of popular culture follows the process of hierarchical diffusion from hearths or nodes of innovation.  Popular culture diffuses rapidly and extensively throug h the use of modern communications and transportation systems.  Folk cultures survive in a dwindling number of isolated areas in LDCs in rural areas of MDCs where culture groups can achieve some level of isolation from the dominant popular culture.  Folk culture can also be found in ethnic enclaves in urban areas.  Popular culture has a widespread, global, distribution.  Popular culture is most prominent in urban centers. 3.3 Culture Region s A culture region is a portion of Earth’s surface that has common cultural elements. Identifying and mapping culture regions are significant tasks because they show us where particular culture traits or cultural communities are located . Maps of culture regi ons provide answers to the most fundamental geographical question: Where? The concept of culture region serves roughly the same purpose as that of a historical Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Proc esses 56 period. When learning world history, for example, the subject is commonly divided into time segments that might be labeled The Neolithic Revolution, The Cold War Era, and so forth. The purpose of these arbitrary divisions is to make world history more understandable by dividing it into periods that have common themes. Similarly, the purpose of region s – which also are arbitrary – is to make cultural geography more understandable by dividing the world into areas that have something in common (see Chapter 1: Functional regions and perceptual regions ). Culture regions , like cultures themselves, display considerable variety. For starters, any number of cultural components may be used to define culture regions. A map of world religions, for example, includes a shaded area in South Asia where Hinduism is dominant ( Figure 3.3 ). That is a culture region based on a single cultural component, as are each of the other shaded areas on that map. Similarly, on the language map of Europe , notice the yellow is a shaded area wher e Basque is dominant ( Figure 3.4 ). That also would be a culture region based on a single cultural component. In contrast, if you were researching Japan, you might go down the list of cultural components and characteriz e the Japanese culture region with respect to religion, language, architecture, cuisine, and so forth. For comparison’s sake, you might then compare that lis t to the U.S. culture region to the Mexican culture region, or the culture region of some other cou ntry. Figure 3.3 This world map of rel igions shows several culture regions. The Hindu culture region in South Asia is an example. (Courtesy Wikimedia Commons) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 57 Culture regions differ greatly in size. Some are exceedingly large, like the Islamic culture region that en compasses millions of square miles of North Africa and Southwest Asia. Some are very small, like Spanish Harlem, which encompasses about two square miles of Manhattan. Many others are of intermediate size s, like the Corn Belt, which occupies a portion of the Midwestern United States. When students see the words Hindu culture region, they may logically infer that only Hindus live there. Not so. That region also is home to millions of Muslims, Buddhists, Chri stians, and other non -Hindus. Similarly, there are some people in Spanish Harlem who do not speak Spanish and some farmers in the Corn Belt who do not grow corn. Culture regions tend to exhibit a certain diversity —their titles identify a dominant characteristic (Hinduism, Spanish, corn) but do not necessarily mean that everybody who lives there shares that characteristic.  A great deal of diversity typically exists within a culture region When studying France, for example, you would discover that Arabs, sub -Saharan Africans, and West Indians comprise large ethnic communities in many cities. In Germany, in contrast, Turks and various Slavic peoples often are the major groups. Urban fringes the world over also exhibit cultural differences. The typical American suburb exhibits housing, land use, and lifestyles that differ significantly from what is Figure 3.4 Language culture map of Europe ( By Andrei Nacu CC BY -SA 3.0, Wikimedia Commons) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 58 observed on the periphery of cities in West Africa or Central America, for example (Figure 3.6 ). Rural parts of the world may differ on the basis of language, religion, or some other cultural component — most notably agriculture. Thus, dairy farming and apple growing characterize d ifferent sections of rural New York State. Both are visually distinctive and may be thought of as separate culture regions. In contrast, rural culture regions elsewhere in the world might be dominated by cattle ranches, rice fields, banana plantations, or some other form of agriculture. Over time culture regions tend to appear and disappear, and expand and contract in between . Many millennia ago, for example, there were no human beings in North America. In the course of subsequent migrations, however, diff erent peoples occupied different parts of the continent. Thus, by 1492 North America was a mosaic of Native American culture regions. Many of them have since disappeared or have diminished in size (Figure 3.7 ). Similarly, an ancient Phoenician culture region gave way to a Roman culture region, which in turn disappeared. Much more immediately, there are lots of areas and neighborhoods in New York State and elsewhere th at are experiencing “ethnic change” —a situation in which one cultural community is expanding or contracting in opposition to another. This highlights the fact that culture unites and divides humanity: while it instills a sense of unity among some peoples, it creates differences (perhaps deep animosities) between others. Accordingly, maps of culture regions may provide important perspectives on contemporary problems that are rooted in cultural differences. For example, some Americans may have come to apprec iate that all Iraqis are not the same. Rather, they are divided mainly into three cultural communities (Sunnis, Figure 3.6 American Suburbia (by Christopher Chappelear CC BY 2.0 -Flickr) Figure 3.6 Residências (by Hugo Martins CC BY 2.0 -Flickr ) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 59 Shiites, and Kurds) who occupy culture regions that are more or less s eparate. To a large degree, the future of the Middle East is likely to be determined by the extent to which the occupants of those culture regions work together for the common good. 3 .4 Cultural Diffusion The concept of cultural diffusion is critical to understanding the nature of human geography . Cultural diffusion is the spread of culture – both material and nonmaterial – and the methods that account for it, such as migration, communications, trade, and commerce. Because culture moves over space, the geography of culture is constantly changing. C ulture traits that originate in an area, known as the cultural hearth , spread outward, ultimately to characterize a larger expanse of territory. Culture region describes the location of culture traits or cultural communities; cultural diffusion helps Figure 3.7 Early Indian Languages of the USA (USGS, Public Domain, Curtesy of Wikimedia Commons) Figure 3.8 Hong Kong Bistro, Chinatown International District, Seattle (by Curtis Cronn, CC BY, Flickr) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 60 explain how and why they got there. For example, the Pacific Northwest lies within the English -speaking culture region. Nevertheless, there are significant cultural communities within the region in which Spanish, Chinese, Korean, Hindi, Arabic, or another language is dominant ( Figure 3 .8 ). Similarly, while most of the Pacific Northwest is part of the Christian culture region, there also are local cultural communities in which Judaism, Islam, or Buddhism is dominant. What all these languages and religions have in co mmon is that none originated in Pacific Northwest or even in North America. Similar stories apply to other parts of the world. If you were to visit Australia, for example, you would learn that that continent was once the exclusive domain of an aboriginal cultural community. Because of cultural diffusion, however, most of the present -day Australian people and their homeland bear the unmistakable imprint of European culture — particularly , cultural characteristics that diffused from Great Britain. Cultural diffusion occurs in different ways , either by expansion or relocation . As suggested by the examples above, migration is an important example. When people move, they take their “cultural baggage” with them. This is known as relocation diffusion . T here are uncountable instances, past and present, in which the arrival of migrants has resulted in the appearance of culture traits or entire cultural communities in areas where they were not previously present. An important modern variation involves businesses that establish facilities or outlets in foreign lands. Thus, the appearance of KFC, Burger King, and Starbucks outside the U.S. is a form of cultural diffusion—and so too the appearance of sushi bars in America ( Figure 3.9 ). One sub-type of expansion diffusion is known as contagious diffusion . It is based on p eople’s tendency to copy one another characterizes another type of cultural diffusion. An example occurs when a farmer looks over the fence, sees a neighboring farmer using a new or different agricultural technique, and adopts it. Similarly, people sometimes adopt a new cultural trait in resp onse to contact with an advertisement, or by seeing something on TV, a movie , on the internet, or by interacting directly with people who display a particular cultural trait. Stimulus diffusion is common when a specific part of the cultural element is re jected, but the underlying concept is embraced ; such as McDonald’s in India. Hindus don’t eat beef because they believe cows are holy , so McDonald’s replaces the beef patties with veggie burgers. Figure 3.9 McDonalds in Nigeria is an example of cultural diffusion. American restaurants can be found all over the world (courtesy of alfa – img, Public Domain) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 61 Finally, there is a tendency for culture traits to originat e and take hold in large cities and then “trickle down” the settlement hierarchy to smaller cities, towns, and rural areas. Contemporary cultural fads , like hip hop music or photo selfies , in particular , tend to diffuse in this manner. Because diffusion oc curs over time as well as over space, there may be a time lag between the origin of a trait in a large city and its appearance in small towns and rural areas. This sub-type of expansion diffusion knows as hierarchical diffusion . Nowadays, the above phenomenon is particularly evident and important in developing countries, where modernization tends to take hold in major cities and then trickle down to the countryside. China, for example, is a land of rapidly modernizing cities — many with world -class industries, office towers, and port facilities. In contrast, portions of rural China are still dominated by traditional pre -modern agricultural tools and techniques. Therefore, China is not a cultural community but is instead a mosaic of many cultural communities. The same is true of Mexico, India, Peru, and virtually every other country on Earth today. Cultural differences exist within countries as well as between them. When a cultural element diffuses, it ty pically does not keep spreading and spreading forever. Instead, it tends to diffuse outward from its place of origin, encounter one or more barrier effects —things that inhibit cultural diffusion—and stop spreading. Barrier effects can assume physical or so cial forms. Physical barrier effects consist of characteristics of the natural (physical) environment that inhibit the spread of culture. The classic examples are oceans, deserts, mountain ranges, dense forests, and frigid climates. For example, the Atlantic Ocean was a physical barrier that prevented the westward spread of European culture for many centuries. The dense rain forest of the Amazon lowlands long served as a physical barrier, isolating numerous native peoples and their ancient ways of life. Whi le some of these groups have recently experienced culture change wrought by roads and deforestation, others continue to lead traditional lives in remote regions of the rainforest . Similarly, the rugged Andes Mountains have long served to inhibit diffusion of foreign culture throughout that region, thus helping to perpetuate indigenous cultural characteristics. One result is that Quechua (pronounced KAY-chew -ah), purportedly the language of the Incas, continues to be spoken by millions of Andean residents. Social barrier effects consist of characteristics that differentiate human groups and potentially limit interaction between them, thus inhibiting the spread of culture. It is important to understand that every “cultural community” is actually composed of numerous cultural communities which have their own characteristics and traditions. Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 62 Examples include language, religion, race and ethnicity, and a history of conflict betw een specific cultural communities. Islam, for instance, nowadays acts as a social barrier in many Middle Eastern countries by discouraging adoption of certain sty les of western dress and music. Barrier effects can also be studied in an examination of folk and popular culture. The Amish are a well -known example of a flourishing folk culture amidst a larger, very different culture (Figure 3.10 ). The Amish live simple lives, rejecting modern technology and values. Th is social barrier preserve s their culture by excluding as much of the outside world as possible. Even when the outsi de world imposes on their culture, usually because of economic pressures, the Amish resist assimilation into mainstream American culture by relying on their deeply ingrained sense of community, G emeinschaft , which puts the needs of the community b efore the needs of individuals ( Figure 3.13 ). In contrast, popular culture is found in large, heterogeneous societies with fewer social or physical barriers to prevent the di ffusion of culture and ideas. Figure 3.10 Amish settlement data – what evidence of diffusion do you see? (ESRI, CC -BY) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 63 As physical and social isolation are on the decline, cultural characteristics are diffusing like never before. Adoption of a new culture item is often accompanied by disuse of an old one causing a global decline in cultural diversity is a significant modern trend. Virtually hundreds of languages spoken by formerly isolated peoples will disappear during the next 50 years because, due to diffusion of “modern global languages” (such as English, Spanish, and French), they are not being passed on to the next generation. Figure 3.11 Amish country near Arthur, Illinois by Daniel Schwen (Flickr, SS – BY -SA) Figure 3.13 Two Amish girls in traditional attire, Lancaster County (Wikimedia, GDFL ) Figure 3.12 Deutsch: Amish by KiwiDeaPi (CC -SA) Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry E xplain what the root language of toponyms in North America tells us about the migration of various people. Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 64 In The World Is Flat ( 2005), Thomas Friedman, theorized that core economic and cultural concepts were changed by personal computers and high- speed Internet. He identified several ways in which technology “flattened” the globe and contributed to our global economy. Using examples like a Midwestern U.S. woman who runs a business from her home via the call centers of Bangalore, India, Friedman predicted that the di ffusion of technology would be an equalizing factor between nations. Of course, not everyone agrees with Friedman’s theory. Many scholars pointed out that in reality innovation, economic activity, and population still gather in geographically attractive areas , and they continue to create economic peaks and valleys, which are by no means flattened out to mean equality for all. China’s hugely innovative and powerful cities of Shanghai and Beijing are worlds away from the rural squalor of the country’s poorest denizens. Do you think technology has “flattened” the world? Why or why not? A 2008 World Bank report explored both the benefits and ongoing challenges of the spread of technology. In general, the report found that technological progress and economic growth rates were linked, and that the rise in technological progress has helped improve the situations of many living in absolute poverty (World Bank 2008). The report recognizes that rural and low -tech products such as corn can benefit from new technological innovations, and that, conversely, technologies like mobile banking can aid those whose rural existence consists of low -tech market vending. In addition, technological advances in areas like mobile phones can lead to competition, lowered prices, and c oncurrent improvements in related areas such as mobile banking and information sharing. However, the same patterns of social inequality that create a digital divide in the United States also create digital divides within less developed nations. In these c ountries, far fewer people have the training and skills to take advantage of new technology, let alone access it. Technological access tends to be clustered around urban areas and leaves out many of less developed nations citizens. While the diffusion of i nformation technologies has the potential to resolve many global social problems, it is often the population most in need that is most affected by the digital divide. For example, technology to purify water could save many lives, but many villages in natio ns most in need of water purification don’t have access to the technology, the funds to purchase it, or the technological comfort level to introduce it as a solution. Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 65 3.5 Race and Ethnicity Does race exist? Race is a complex topic to address because its very existence is contentious. Race can dramatically shape the fortunes of people in modern societies despite the lack of a solid biological basis for what appears to be a biological con cept. We can define race as a biologically distinct subgr oup or sub -species within the human species. By this definition, the answer to the question posed in the heading for this section — “does race exist?” — is: biologically no, socially yes. ‘Biologically no’ just means that Homo sapiens cannot be divided into su b-groups on a biological basis. Many other species can be divided into races. That is, there are subpopulations within the species for which members have more in common with each other than they do with members of the species from outside the sub -group. However, this is not the case for humans. It is certainly true that Homo sapiens contains a great deal of genetic diversity. The point, however, is that this genetic diversity does not fall into distinct sub-groups. Consider, for example, the distrib ution of skin color — one of the key features we use to identify someone’s race — and another genetic characteristic, blood types ( Figure 3.14 and Figure 3.15). While there is a great deal of variation in blood types and skin color around the world, both of these traits change gradually over space rather than having abrupt bound aries at the dividing lines between races. Furthermore, the distribution of blood types does not bear much resemblance to the distribution of skin colors. If there were distinct biological subdivisions of our species, different genetic traits like skin col or and blood type would cluster in the same way. Apparent genetic differences may be the result of social factors. For example, in the United States, it’s common to think of sickle -cell anemia as a disease that affects black people but not white people. And for the populations of people living in the US at the present , that’s mostly true. However, the distribution of sickle -cell anemia is actually Figure 3.14 Human skin color distribution in 1940 (by Dark Tichondria, English language Wikipedia, CC BY – SA) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 66 correlated with regions that historically had high rates of malaria, since it is a side effect of a gene that confers resistance to malaria. But the historical distribution of malaria covers some areas (such as the Mediterranean) that we would consider “white,” and avoids some areas (like S outhern Africa) that we would consider “black.” The fact that sickle -cell anemia is a black disease in the US is due to this country having been populated mostly by white people from low -malaria regions like Britain, and black people from high -malaria regions like West Africa. Had the US been populated by fewer Brits and Ghanaians, and more Greeks and Zulus, we might be talking about how sickle -cell anemia is a white disease . However, t he fact that there is no biological basis for dividing people in to races doesn’t mean we can simply ignore race and expect it to go away. We say “socially yes” to the question “is race real?” because societies have put great emphasis on classifying people into races. What race you see yourself as belonging to, and what race others treat you as belonging to, will have a significant impact on your life. So, race is socially real because people are treated as if they were part of biologically distinct groups. In the US today, ” ethnicity ” is often used as a euphemism for “race,” or for sub -groups that aren’t considered real races. There is no technical definition for ethnicity among social scientists, but the term is typically used to indicate groupings of people that have three characteristics:  A shared culture  An alleged shared biological ancestry  A shared “homeland” or alleged origin place Since race is a social, rather than biological, concept, we can think of races as a type of ethnicity that emphasizes the alleged shared biological ancestry more than the other Figur e 3.15 Blood type A world distribution (Muntuwandi, en.wikipedia, CC -BY-SA) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 67 two components. Because ethnicity has such strong ties to the idea of a homelan d, it is frequently invoked in struggles over which group of people has the right to occupy a specific place and use its resources. We can see this for example in the way that research about the original population of the Americas has gotten drawn into pol itical battles. On the one hand, many Native Americans worry that archaeological and genetic research will reinforce the idea that they are just another immigrant group, rather than having sprung directly from the Earth, and thereby undermine their claim t o special rights to the land, fishing and hunting rights, etc. Opponents of Native rights to control and use the land frequently try to call Natives’ authenticity into question by suggesting that they have assimilated too much into mainstream American cult ure. 3.6 Race and Geography Race is an inherently geographical conce pt. A person’s racial membership ultimately comes down to where in the world their ancestors came from . Figure 3.16 shows the current official racial definitions used by the US Census. This geographical scheme is the product of various historical, social, and political processes. The census attempted to summarize how the races are socially defined in the contemporary US — though any such summary is necessarily imperfec t since there is no biological reality to determine who is right in cases of conflict. For example, advocacy groups for people from Middle Eastern countries have been pushing to have a new category added to the census for them, since they experience racial discrimination yet are considered to be part of the dominant “white” group by the census. The handling of the category of Hispanic or Latino is also a source of controversy. In the 2000 and 2010 censuses, respondents were asked to choose one or more of th e Census’s five basic race categories (American Indian and Alaska Native, Asian, Black or African American, Native Hawaiian and Figure 3.16 World map with the six majo r US census racial definitions ( by the Offi ce of Management and Budget Wikimedia, Public Domain) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 68 Other Pacific Islander, and White), then in a separate question to indicate whether they are Hispanic or not. This scheme works well for someone who, for example, is descended from African slaves brought to the Dominican Republic, and who would , therefore, think of themselves as racially black but culturally Latino. But for other people, such as many Mexican-Americans, “Latino” is their racial identity, and it feels wrong to have to mark themselves as racially part of one or more of the five race categories. Geographers using Census data often put all Hispanics in a separate category and compare them to non -Hispanic members of the five official races, effectively treating Hispanic as a race. In the US context, the accepted term for people who are members of races other than white is “people of color.” Please be careful not to confuse this with the very similar sounding term “colored people.” “Colored people” is likely to cause offense, as it is an outdated term associated with the era of segregation. The concept of race was originally invented to facilitate social control in Europe’s colonies. Colonial rulers needed a way to clearly establish the status and roles of the different populations that were coming together in their new landholdings — rulers, managers, and free settlers from Europe; native people from whom the land was being taken ; and slaves imported from Africa. The solu tion that emerged was to define each group as fundamentally biologically distinct and ranked i n a hierarchy from most animal -like to most advanced. This cemented the rulers’ right to rule (since they were considered the most highly developed race of humans ) and drove a wedge between groups such as poor whites and blacks that might otherwise have united to oppose the ruling classes. The discipline of geography was deeply involved in the use of race ideas to justify colonialism . Geographers were employed to define which people were “r eally” which race, and to determine the environmental causes of racial superiority or inferiority. Starting in the 1930s, biologists, anthropologists, and geographers began to make headway in debunking the idea of biological race. Unfortunately, the idea o f race was deeply ingrained in society by that point. Prejudice (conscious or unconscious), stereotypes, discrimination, and their legacies (in things like poor health and poverty) are too prevalent. It is naive to imagine that we could just ignore race and hope it goes away. Because they have only social, not biological, reality, the boundaries of racial categories have shifted over time. For example, Irish and Italian people were long considered to Figure 3.17 American cartoon of John Bull (England) as an Imperial Octopus w ith its arms (with hands) in – or contemplating being in – various regions (Wikimedia, Public Domain) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 69 be of a different race than English, German, or Scandina vian people. This helped to justify British colonialism in Ireland and discrimination against Irish and Italian immigrants in the US. Over time, however, the borders of the “white” category were widened to accept Irish, southern Europeans, E astern European s, and European Jews. Racial and ethnic groups are distributed unevenly across the available landscape. We see clustering of members of a certain race here, and exclusion of them there. Figure 3 .18 shows the spatial distribution of several of the major racial groups in the United States today. This map shows the traces of the country’s political and economic history. We can see, for exa mple, how Native Americans in the east were largely killed or forced to move westward. Black people make up higher proportions of the population in the South (where their ancestors were brought as slaves) and in the cities of the North (where they moved in search of industrial work in the early 1900s). R acial and ethnic groups are distributed at the city or metropolitan scale as well as national and global scale . At this scale, several notable processes tend to produce and maintain residential segregation by race. In this context, residential segregation refers to any lack of intermixing of people of different races in t he same neighborhoods. Figure 3.18 shows the distribution of groups by ancestry in Florida and Virginia . These two areas were among the least and most segr egated, respectively, in the 2010 Census. The causes of residential segregation are a complex mix of private and public, and of conscious discrimination, unconscious discrimination, and unintended side – effects of surficial race -neutral policies. An affinity between people with similar ways of life is the most politically innocent Figure 3.18 Census 2000 Data Ancestry by County (Wikimedia, Public Domain) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 70 reason for segregation. Simply put, people like living around other people who live the same way. And when many people with a similar lifestyle live together, they can support the amenities and businesses that they need — such as stores and restaurants se lling kosher food in Orthodox Jewish neighborhoods, or churches offering services in Spanish in areas with large Latino immigrant populations. Clustering together can also help racial or ethnic groups that face large amounts of prejudice to find refuge and solidarity. Instead of being isolated among a hostile population, your neighbors can form a support network as you struggle to resist discrimination and get ahead in a hostile world. Market forces play a significant role. Different racial groups tend to occupy different rungs on the economic ladder within society. This will prod uce differing levels of ability to afford to live in certain locations. As the economic status of different groups shifts (e.g. new immigrant groups moving up from the lowest -paid jobs to more comfortable livelihoods), the racial composition of a neighborh ood may also shift. White flight is a specific manifestation of market forces. The more desirable, and less affordable, neighborhoods to which more privileged residents could move are typically located in suburban areas around the edges of the metro area. As these people moved out, they left behind neighborhoods that were mostly poor and people of color. Race could often play a role in motivating this movement. In some cases, white residents had a direct prejudice against living next to people of color. Fo r others, the cultural association of people of color with bad neighborhoods led them to perceive a racially diverse neighborhood as more dangerous or economically depressed than it is. And even if neither of those issues applies to you, you might still be worried that other people won’t want to live in your neighborhood for those reasons, lowering the value of your home. Public service provision is often skewed by the racial makeup of the areas served. Neighborhoods of color may get less water and sewer i nfrastructure, may be passed Figure 3.19 2010 Census data – Ancestry by County in Florida and Virginia (Thesouthernhistorian45 – Public Domain , CC BY-SA 3.0) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 71 over or even directly sacrificed to provide transit and roads to richer and whiter neighborhoods, and may receive less effective and more abusive police protection. This may be due to direct (conscious or unconscious) racial prejudice. Or it may be a side – effect of other forces, as when white flight undermines a city’s tax base and thus makes it harder to fund services. Poor provision of public services then reinforces the undesirability of the neighborhood that underlies market-based segregation. Gentrification occurs when higher-class, usually white, people move back into neighborhoods occupied by poor people of color. These newcomers typically fail to form social ties with the existing community. Their greater income pushes up rents and makes land more attractive for developers to buy up and convert into higher-class housing ( Figure 3.20). New types of stores catering to the tastes (and purchasing power) of the newcomers enter the neighborhood and out -compete existing stores. Ultimately, the old residents find themselves unable to afford to stay in that place, and therefore they will be forced out into new neighborhoods. Thes e new neighborhoods may be less accessible to transportation routes, farther from jobs, and lacking amenities like stores and restaurants. Redlining is the practice of banks and real estate agents preventing people of certain races from getting housing in certain areas. The name comes from the practice — back in the days when it was legal — of drawing literal red lines on city maps to define where houses would be reserved for white residents. Redlining was decla red illegal in the US in 1968, but studies have shown continuing informal and in most cases probably unconscious, discrimination against people of color in home purchases and mortgages. Luckily this form of discrimination, while still significant, appears to be declining over the years. Violence has long played a major part in establishing the spatial pattern of racial residence in US cities. Nearly every city in the US is built on land that was violently taken from native people. Following the building of the city, people moving into the “wrong” neighborhood could face harassment, destruction of their property, and physical attacks. Incidents of racist violence have become part of the collective memory of peopl e of color, shaping which areas they understand to be safe to visit and live in (Johnson and Bowker 2004). Violence among people of color, such as that committed by gangs, also plays a role in maintaining residential segregation. Gangs are a social structu re that arose in response to residential segregation and limitation of opportunities for poor urban people of color, but gang violence then serves as a reason to perpetuate segregation and blame its victims for their plight. Legal segregation is placed la st here because it is the most obvious way that residential segregation could occur, but its effects may be subtle in the US and similar Figure 3.20 Gentrification of Victorian terraces, Bolton Rd the stone cladding & double glazing are a clear sign of gentrification . (By Nigel Chadwick, CC BY- SA 2.0) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 72 countries. Cities and towns around the country once formally barred people of certain races from living in certain area s. The legacy of this legal segregation continues today as the processes listed above continue to reinforce lon gstanding residential patterns. 3 .7 Language The next question that must be asked is why languages are diffused where they are diffused ? Social scientists, specifically linguistics and archaeologists disagree on this issue because some believe that languages are diffused by war and conquest, whereas others believe diffusion occurs by peaceful/symbiotic means such as food and trade. For example, E nglish is spoken by over 2 billion people and is the dominant language in 55 countries. Much of this diffusion is a result of British imperialism and colonialism . The primary purpose of British imperialism was to seize as much foreign territory as possible to use as sources of raw materials.  Imperialism involves diffusion of language and other cultural elements through both conquest and trade. Languages relate to each other in much the same way that family groups (think of a family tree) relate to each other. Language is a system of communication that provides meaning to a group of people through speech. Nearly all languages around the world have a literary tradition: a sys tem of written communication. Most nations have an Figure 3.21 Artistic illustration of the Language Tree depicting the connections between Indo -European and Uralic languages (Courtesy of Tom Wrigley, Flickr, CC BY -NC -SA) Click the image for a more complete version of this language tree. Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 73 official language. Most citizens of a nation with an official language speak and write in that language. Additionally, most official or governmental documents, monetary funds, and transportation signs are communicated in the official language. However, some regions such as the European Union have 23 official languages. A language family is a collection of languages related through a common prehistorical language that makes up the main trunk of a language identity. A language tree ( Figure 3.21 ) will have language branches, a collection of languages related through a common ancestral language that existed thousands of y ears ago. Finally, a language group is a collection of languages within a single branch that share s a common origin from the relatively recent past and display s relatively few differences in grammar and vocabulary. The countries that make up Africa have a very rich and complex family of languages. There are also various dialects within any language, and English in the United States is no exception. A dialect is a regional variation of a language, such as English, distinguished by distinctive vocabulary, spelling, and pronunciation. In the United States, there is a dialect difference between southern, northern, and western states. We can all understand each other, but the way we say things may sound accented or “weird” to others. There is also a dialect di fference between American English and English spoken in Britain, as well as other parts of the British Commonwealth. 3.8 A Short History of Language All modern languages originate from an ancient language. The origin of every language may never be known b ecause many ancient languages existed and changed before the written record. Root words within languages are the best evidence that we have to indicate that languages originated from pre -written history. The possible geographic origin of ancient languages is quite interesting. For example, several languages have similar root words for winter and snow, but not for ocean. This indicates that the original language originated in an interior location away from the ocean. It wasn’t until people speaking this language migrated toward the ocean that the word ocean was added to the lexicon (a catalog of a language’s words). The famous Explorer -in-Residence of the National Geographic Society, anthropologist Wade Davis, has traveled all around the world and brings back the knowledge and wisdom of exploring ancient cultures. Davis says humans all around the world try to understa nd what it means to be human and it is expressed 7,000 ways in the form of language. “The other cultures of the world are not failures to be us; rather, they show us what it means to be human.” There are many layers within the Indo -European language family, but we will focus on the specifics. Though they sound very different, German and English , come from the same Germanic branch of the Indo -European language group. The Germanic branch is divided into High German and Low German. Most Germans speak High Ger man, whereas English, Danish, and Flemish are considered subgroups of Low German. The Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 74 Romance branch originated 2,000 years ago, and is derived from Latin. Today, the Romance languages are Spanish, Portuguese, French, and Italian. The Balto -Slavic branch used to be considered one large language called Slavic in the 7th Century but subdivided into a variety of smaller groups over time. Today the Balto -Slavic branch is composed of the following groups: East Slavic, West Slavic, South Slavic, and Baltic. The I ndo-European language branch spoken by most people around the world is Indo – Iranian with over 100 individual languages. The origin of Indo-European languages has long been a topic of debate among scholars and scientists. In 2012, a team of evolutionary biologists at the University of Auckland , led by Dr. Quentin Atkinson , released a study that found all modern IE languages could be traced back to a single root: Anatolian — the language of Anatolia, now modern -day Turkey. In a world dominated by communication, globalization, science and the Internet, English has grown to be the dominant global language. Today English is considered a lingua franca (a language mutually understood and commonly used in trade by people who have different native languages). It is now believed that 500 million people speak English as a second language. There are other lingua France such as Swahili in Eastern Africa and R ussian in nations that were once a part of the Soviet Union. 3.9 Endangered Languages and Language Diversity An isolated language is one that is unrelated to any other language . Thus it cannot be connected to any language family. These remote languages an d many others are experiencing a mass extinction and are quickly disappearing off the planet. In fact, it is believed that nearly 500 languages are in danger of being lost forever. Think about the language you speak, the knowledge and understanding acquire d and discovered through that language: PIDGINS AND CREOLES Pidgins, a lso called contact languages, which develop out of contact between at least two groups of people who do not share a common language . Many pidgins developed during European colonization of Asia, Africa, and other areas of the world during the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries. Creole languages are stable languages that develop from pidgins. Different from pidgins, creole languages are primary languages that are nativized by children. However, the vocabulary of a creole is primarily taken from the language of the dominant contact group. Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 75  What would happen to all that knowledge if your language suddenly disappeared?  Would all of it be transferred to another language or would major components be lost to time and be rewritten by history?  What would happen to your culture if your language was lost to time?  Ultimately, is it possible that the Information Age is causing a Disinformation Age as thousands of languages are near extinction? Consider the impact of language on culture, particularl y religion. Most religions have some form of written or literary tradition or history, which allows for information to be transferred to future generations. But some religions are only transferred verbally an d when that culture disappears, so does all of the knowledge and histories of that culture. There is an effort to preserve many of the world’s languages before extinction occurs. Recently the National Geographic Society created a campaign called the Enduring Voices Project, which is focusing on bringi ng awareness and protecting many of the world’s endangered languages (Figure 3.22). 3.10 Religion Our world’s cultural geography is very complex with language and religion as two cultural traits that contribute to the richness, diversity, and complexity of the human experience. Nowadays, the word “diversity” is gaining a great deal of attention as nations around the world are becoming more culturally, religiously, and linguistically complex and interconnected. Specifically, in regards to religion, these important cultural institutions are no longer isolated in their place of origin but have diffused into other realms and regions with their religious history and cultural dominance. In some parts of the world, this has caused religious wars and persecutions ; in other Figure 3.22 by Erik Hersman, (Flickr, cc -by) http://travel.n -voices/ Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 76 regions, it has help ed to in itiate cultural tolerance and respect for others. These trends are in some ways the product of a history of migratory push and pull factors along with a demographic change that have brought together peoples of diverse religious and even linguistic backgrounds. It is critical that peop le learn about diverse cultures by understanding important cultural traits, such as the ways we communicate and maintain spiritual beli efs. Geographers need to be aware that even though our discipline might not be able to answer numerous questions related to language structure or address distinctive aspects of theological opinion, our field can provide insight by studying these cultural t raits in a spatial context. Geography provides us the necessary tools to understand the spread of cultural traits and the role of geographic factors, both physical and cultural, in that process. People will then see that geography has influenced the distri bution and diffusion of differing ideologies, as well as the diverse ways they practice their spiritual traditions. As is the case with languages, geographers have a method of classifying religions so people can better understand the geographic diffusion of belief systems. Although religion s by themselves are complex cultural institutions, the basic method for categorizing them is simple. There are two main groups: universalizing religions , which actively invite non -members to join them, and ethnic religions , which are associated with specific ethnic or national groups. Everyone can recount moments in his or her life in which there was interaction with individuals eager to share with others his or he r spiritual beliefs and traditions. Also, that same person might have encountered indivi duals who are very private, perhaps secretive, when it comes to personal religious traditions deemed by this individual as exclusive to his or her family and national group. A discussion of these life experiences can generate very interesting examples that serve as testimony to our world’s cultural richness when it comes to differing religious traditions. A significant portion of the world’s universalizing religions has a precise hearth , or place of origin ( Figure 3.23). The hearths where the largest universalizing religions originated , are all in Asia. Of course, not all religions are from Asia, and you can open a discussion of the origins of other faiths outside Asia. The three universalizing Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry A nalyze diffusion patterns of languages and religions to see correlations between the two . Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 77 religions diffused through both expansion and relocation diffusion from specific hearths, or places of origin, to other regions of the world. The hearths where each of these three largest universalizing religions ori ginated are based on the events in the lives of key individuals within each religion. Together, Christianity, Islam, and Buddhism have over 2.5 billion adherents combined. Figure 3.23 Diffusion of the major religions from their hearths (Wikimedia, CC -BY) Christianity is divided into three branches: Roman Catholic, Protestant, and Eastern Orthodox. The largest of the three is Roman Catholic with nearly 52 percent of the Christian popula tion. In the western hemisphere, where nearly 90 percent of the population is Christian, there are strong divides between the Christian branches. In Latin America, 93 percent are Roman Catholic compared to just 29 percent in North America. In the United States, Roman Catholics are clustered in the southwest and Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 78 northeast. Nearly 28 percent of North America is Protestant with Baptist being the major denomination followed by Methodist, Pentecostal, Lutheran, and Mormon. Probably one of the most misunderstood religions in the world is Islam. Though predominantly centered in the Middle East and Northern Africa, Islam is the fastest growing religion in the world with 1.3 billion and i s only second to Christianity in members. Islam is also divided into two major branches: Sunni and Shiite. The Sunni branch is the largest branch, composing of 83 percent of all Muslims. The Shiite branch is more concentrated in clusters such as Iran, Iraq, and Pakistan. The third largest universal religion is Buddhism with 400 mill ion followers. This religion is mainly clustered in China and Southeast Asia. Buddhism is a break -off of Hinduism and founded by Siddhartha Gautama. After seeing the suffering of people in India, Siddhartha left his riches to learn the root causes of pain and suffering. After a long journey, he became enlightened and became the Buddha. After Siddhartha Gautama had died, Buddhism split into the Mahayanist, Theravada, and Tantrayana branches. The Mahayanist branch is by far the most popular and tends to be the most universal. It also more of philosophical practice/way of life rather than a religion. The Theravada and Tantrayana branches are centered on spiritual ideologies and practices, thus making them religious sects of Buddhism. 3.11 Sacred Spaces and the Cultural Landscape Religions interact with the environment in ways that both reflect their cultural values and create a lasting impact on the physical setting. Some of these places contribute to the foundation and development of a faith and often gain sacred status – the ultimate expression of religious , cultural identity. These sacred spaces anchor the region physically to the landscape either by the presence of a natural site ascribed as holy, or as the stage for miraculous events, or by some historic al event such as the erection of a temple. When a place gains a “sacred” reputation, it is not unusual to see peoples from different parts of the world traveling or making a pilgrimage to this site with the hope of experiencing spiritual and physical rene wal. Buddhists have eight holy sites because they have special meaning or important events during the Buddha’s life. The first one is in Lumbini, Nepal where the Buddha was born around 563 B.C. (Figure 3.24) The second holy site is in Bodh Gaya, Nepal, where it is believed Siddhartha reached enlightenment to become the Buddha. The third most important site is in Sarnath, India Figure 3.24 The temple over the spot where Lord Buddha was born, and the p ool where it is believed that his mother bathed just after. Photo: Wes Olson (Import from Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 79 where he gave his first sermon. The fourth holiest site is Kusinagara, India where the Buddha died at the age of 80 and became enlightened. People who practice Buddhism , erect and use pagodas to house relics and sacred texts. Pagodas are used for individual prayer and meditation. Islam’s holiest sites are located in Sa udi Arabia. The holiest city is Mecca, Saudi Arabia where the Prophet Muhammad was born. (Figure 3.25) It is also the location of the religion’s holiest objects called the Ka’ba, a cube -like structure believed to have been built by Abraham and Ishmael. The second holiest site to Muslims is Medina, Saudi Arabia where Muhammad began his leadership and gained original support by the people. Every healthy and financially able Muslim is supposed to make at least one pilgrimage to Mecca in their lifetime. For Muslims, a mosque is considered a holy site of worship, but also a place for community assembly. Usually assembled around a courtyard, the pulpit faces Mecca so that all Muslims pray in the dire ction of their holiest site. Mosques will have a tower called a minaret where someone summons people to worship. A Christian church is a place of gathering and worship (Figure 3.26). Compared to other religions, churches play a more important rol e because they are created to express values and principles. Churches also play a vital role in the landscape. In earlier days and smaller towns, churches tend to be the largest buildings. Also because of their importance, Christian religions spend lots of money and commitment to the building and maintenance of their churches.  From the photos above what similarities do you notice about the architecture of each of sacred space for Buddhists, Muslims and Christians? Figure 3.25 Worshippers flood the Grand mosque, its roof, and all the areas around it during night prayers in Mecca (By Al Jazeera English http://www.f[email protected]) Figure 3.26 A Christian church in Bangkok ( By runako – os/runako/133174688/, CC BY 2.0) Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 80 Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Compare and contrast the locations of sacred sites related to Christianity, Judaism, Sikhism, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam . Reflection Questions: 1. Why does scale matter when studying cultural interactions? 2. What are some examples of culture universals? 3. Explain what a culture region is and how it is used by geographers. 4. How might labeling a culture region be negative for those not a part of that culture? 5. What are the different ways in which cultural diffusion happens? 6. What are some reasons that hierarchal diffusion might occur? 7. In what way, does language diffusion benefit globalization? 8. In what way is it harmful to local languages and cultures? 9. How is religion a sign ificant part of culture worldwide? Key AP Terms Culture Scale Ethnic political movements Cultural traits Dialects Human -environment relations Language Ethnic religions Cultural landscape Religion Universalizing religions Cultural identity Ethnicity Folk (local) culture Gender Popular culture Practice FRQ With reference to each of the following, explain how religion has shaped the cultural landscape. Support each explanation with one specific example. A. Sacred sites B. Burial practices/sites C. Architecture of places of worship D. Toponym Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 81 CH 3 Notes Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 82 CH 3 Notes Human Geography Cultural Patterns and Processes 83 CH 3 Notes Human Geography Political Organization of Space 84 Chapter 4 Political Organization of Space AP Enduring Understandings • The contemporary political map has been shaped by events of the past . • Spatial -political patterns reflect ideas of territoriality and power at a variety of scales. • The forces of globalization challenge contemporary political -territorial arrangements. Inquiry Questions How is space politically organized into states and nation s? How are boundaries established What problems can occur because of boundaries and borders? How have/do states spatially organize their governments? How are nation -states unified (centripetal forces) and fragmented (centrifugal forces)? How does the study of geopolitics help us understand the world? What are supranational organizations? What is the future of the state? 4.1 Organization and Control Political geography is the study of the ways in which humans have divided up the surface of the Earth for purposes o f management and control. Looking beyond the patterns on political maps helps us to understand the spatial outcomes of political processes and the ways in which political processes are themselves affected by spatial features. Political spaces exist at multiple scales, from a kid’s bedroom to the entire planet. At each location, somebody or some group seeks to establish the rules governing what happens in that space, how power is shared (or not) and who even has the right to access those spaces. This is also known as ter ritoriality. Many people hav e tried to exert control over the physical world to exert power for religious, economic or cultural reasons (sometime s all three!). A few names you might recognize are Alexander the Great, Queen Victoria, Napoleon Bonaparte and Adolf Hitler. Scholars have developed many theories of how political power has been expressed geographically as leaders and nations vie to contro l people, land, and resources. In the late 1800’s and early 1900’s scholars developed many theories about how political power is expressed geographically. These theories have been used to b oth justify and work to avoid conflict. Organic Theory by Friedrich Ra tzel, 1897 This theory states that nations must continually seek nourishment in the form of gaining land to survive in the same way that a living organism seeks nourishment from food to survive. As a result, it implies that if a nation does not seek out and conquer new territories, it will risk failing because other nations also behave in an Human Geography Political Organization of Space 85 organic way. This is akin to the law of the jungle – eat or be eaten. Hitler was a proponent of organic theory and used Raztel’s term Lebensraum or “livin g space” as justification for Germany’s behavior during World War II. He claimed that if Germany didn’t grow in this way, it would fall victim again to the rest of the Europe and eventually the world as it did during the First World War. Heartla nd Theory by Sir Ha lford Ma ckinder, 1904 Also known as “The Geographic Pivot of History” theory, Ma ckinder thought that whoever controlled Eastern Europe – the Heartland – would control the world. Th e idea is that the Heartland i s a pivot point for controlling all of Asia and Africa, which he referred to as the World Island. Why was the Heartland so imp ortant at this time? Eastern Europe is abundant in raw materials and farmland which are needed to support a large army who could then control the coasts and water ports that make international trade possible. Both Hitler and the USSR believed this was pos sible, but both failed because they did not foresee the rise of other world powers such as the United States and China. Nor did they know that military technology would soon advance far beyond tanks and ground troops to include nuclear weapons, high-tech m issiles , and drone airplanes. Rimland Theory by Nichola s John Spykma n, 1942 According to Spykman, Mackinder’s “lands of the outer rim” ( Figure 4.1 ) were the key to controlling Eurasia and then the world. He theorized tha t because the Rimland contains most of the world’s people as well as a large share of world’s resources it was more im portant than Heartland. The Rimland’s defining characteristic is that it is an intermediate region, lying between the heartland and the marginal sea powers. As the amphibious buffer zone between the land powers and sea powers, it must defend itself from bo th sides, and therein lies its fundamental security problems. Politically, Spykman called for the consolidation of the Rimland countries to ensure their survival during World War II. With the defeat of Germany and the emergence of the USSR, Spykman’s vie ws were embraced during the formulation of the Cold War American policy to containing communist influence.  What modern conflicts can be defined by the Organic, Heartland or Rimland theor ies ? Figure 4.1 Geopolitical Map of Mackinder’s Heartland theory (By Arno peters – Own work, CC BY -SA 3.0) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 86 “[A] political equilibrium is neither a gift of the gods nor an inherently stable condition. It results from the active intervention of man, from the operation of political forces. States cannot afford to wait passively for the happy time when a miraculously achieved balance of power will bring peace and security. If they wish to survive, they must be willing to go to war to preserve a balance against the growing hegemonic power of the period.” —Spykman, America’s Strategy in World Politics 4.2 The State of States Independent states are the primary building blocks of the world political map. A state (also c alled a nation or country) is a territory with defined boundaries organized into a political unit and ruled by an established government that has control over its internal and foreign affairs. When a state has total control over its internal and foreign affairs, it is called a sovereign state . A location claimed by a sovereign state is called a territory . According to the United Nations, in 2016 the world had 193 n ations; however, many of those nations dispute their boundar ies. Some nations are stateless . This means that there are groups of people who share a common identity and history, but who have no parcel of land that they fully control. The Palestinians are perhaps the world’s be st-known stateless nation, owed to their long struggle with Israeli Jews – some of whom, until 1948, belonged to the previously best -known nation without a state. Federalism is a system of government with one, strong, central governing authority as well as smaller units, such as states. If the central government grows too strong, then federalism comes closer to a unitary state, where the governing body has supreme authority and dictates how much power the units are allowed to have. In those places like Egypt, France , and Japan, where nationalist feelings are strong , and there are many centripetal forces like language, religion and economic prosperity uniting people, a unitary state makes a lot of sense. Unitary systems work best where there is no strong opposition to central control. Therefore, the political elite in a capital city (like Paris or Tokyo) frequently have outsized power over the rest of the country. Fights over local control are minimal, and the power of local (provincial) governments is relatively weak ( Figure 4.2 ). Many countries have an underdeveloped sense of nationhood and therefore are better suited to use a Federalist style of government where power is geographically distributed a mong several subnational units. This style of governance makes sense when a country is “young” – and is still in the process of nation -building or developing a common identity necessary to the establishment of a unified nationality. Federations may also work best when you have multi -ethnic or multi-national countries. Rather Human Geography Political Organization of Sp ace 87 than break into multiple smaller states, a country can cho ose to give each of its ethnicities or nationalities some measure of political autonomy . If they want to speak their own language or teach their specific religion in the local schools, then the central government allows local people to make those decisions. The central government in a federal system focuses on things like national defense, managing interstate transportation and regulating a common currency. The US began as a federalist system. Occasionally, a particularly troublesome provincial region or ethnicity will result in a sort of compromise situation , or devolution , in which a unitary system, like China, will grant a special exemption to one region or group to allow that location semi -autonomy or greater local control. Puerto Rico (United States) and Hong Kong (China) are excellent examples, though there are many dozens of other similarly self -governing regions around the globe – most with special names designating their status. This process is often beneficial to the unitary nations to prevent political instability and conflict; however, it can be withdrawn by the central govern ment at any time. The hostile fragmentation of a regio n into smaller, political units is called Balkanization . This is often the result of unresolved centrifugal forces pulling the nation apart from within, such as economic disparity and ethnic or relig ious conflicts. The term Balkanization refers to an area that was known as the Ottoman Empire, and it occupied the area where we have current countries like Bulgaria, Albania, and Figure 4.2 Map of Federal and Unitary States (Courtesy of Lokal Profil, Wikimedia Commons) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 88 Serbia. Nowadays, we use this term to refer to any country that breaks apart to form seve ral countries or several states, usually the consequence of civil war or ethnic cleansing as was seen in Armenia and Azerbaijan, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia and Yugoslavia. The United States has had an exceptionally difficult time resolving whether it wants to pursue a unitary or federal style government. This question has been one of the ce ntral politics issues in the US, since even before the War for Independence. Originall y, the United States were organized as a confederation – a loosely allied group of independent states united in a common goal to defeat the British. Operating under the Articles of Confederation from roughly 1776-1789, the new and decentralized country found itself challenged to do simple things like raise taxes, sign treaties with foreign countries, or print a common currency because the central government ( Congress ) was so very weak. The Constitution that the US Government, operates under today was adopted to help create a balance of powers between the central government headquartered in Washington DC, and the multiple state governments. Initially, states continued to operate essentially as separate countries. This is why , in the United States, the word state is used to designate major subnational government units, rather than the word province as is common in much of the world. In our early history, Americans thought essentially they were living in “The United Cou ntries of America.” The idea or concept of a state originated in the Fertile Crescent between the Persian Gulf and Mediterranean Sea . The first ancient states that formed during this time were called city -states. A city-state is a sovereign state that encompasses a town and t he surrounding landscape. Often, city -states secured the town by surrounding it with walls and farmlands were located outside of the city walls. Later, empires formed when several city -states were militarily controlled by a single city -state. The agraria n revolution and the Industrial Revolution were powerful movements that altered human activity in many ways. I nnovations in food production and the manufacturing of products transformed Europe, and in turn political currents were undermining the establishe d empire mentality fueled by warfare and territorial disputes. The political revolution that transformed Europe was a result of diverse actions that focused on ending continual warfare for the control of territory and introducing peaceful agreements that recognized the sovereignty of territory ruled by representative government structures. Various treaties and revolutions continued to shift the power from dictators and monarchs to the general populace. The Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 and those that followe d helped establish a sense of peace and Figure 4.3 Administrative division of modern Bosnia and Herzegovina by PANONIAN (Public Domain) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 89 stability in Central Europe, which had been dominated by the Holy Roman Empire and competing powers. The Holy Roman Empire, which was centered on the German states of Central Europe from 962– 1806, should not be confused with the Roman Empire, which was based in Rome and ended centuries earlier. The French Revolution (1789– 95) was an example of the political transformation taking place across Europe to establish democratic processes for governance. The concept of the modern nation -state began in Europe as political revolution laid the ground work for a sense of nation alism : a feeling of devotion or loyalty to a specific nation. The term nation refers to a homogeneous group of people with a common heritage, language, religion, or political ambition. The term state refers to the government; for example, the United States has a State Department with a Secretary of S tate. When nations and states come together, there is a true nation -state, wherein most citizens share a common heritage and a united government. European countries have progressed to the point where the concep t of forming or remaining a nation -state is a driving force in many political sectors. To state it plainly, most Europeans, and to an extent every human, want to be a member of a nation – state, where everyone is alike and shares the same culture, heritage, and government. The result of the drive for nation -states in Europe is an Italy for Italians, a united Germany for Germans, and a France for the French, for example. The truth is that this ideal goal is difficult to come by . Though the political boundaries of many European countries resemble nation-states, there is too much diversity within the nations to consider the idea of creating a nation -state a true reality. After the concept of nation -state had gained a foothold in Europe, the ruling powers focused on establishing settlements and political power around the world by imposing their military, economic, political, and cultural influence through colonialism. Colonialism is control of previously uninhabited or sparsely inhabited land. Europeans Figure 4.4 World political map 2015 by US Central Intelligence Agency’s World Fact book (Public Domain) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 90 used colon ialism to promote political control over religion, extract natural resources, increase economic influence, and to expand political and military power. The European states first colonized the New World of the Americas, but later redirected their focus to Af rica and Asia. This colonial expansion across the globe is called imperialism. Imperialism is the control of territory already occupied and organized by an indigenou s society. These two factors helped to spread nationalism around the globe and have influe nced modern political boundaries. The Shape of States While not the only factor in determining the political landscape, the shape of a state is important because it helps determine potential communication internally, military protection, access to resources, and more. Find the example listed on a political map and try to find one other state that has the same physical shape. • Compact states have relatively equal distances from their center to any boundary, much like a circle. They are often regarded as efficient states. An example of a compact state would be Kenya. • Elongated states have a long and narrow shape. The major problem with thes e states is with internal communication, which causes isolation of towns from the capital city. Vietnam is an example of this. • Prorupted states occur when a compact state has a portion of its boundary extending outward exceedingly more than the other po rtions of the boundary. Some of these types of states exist so that the citizens can have access to a specific resource such as a large body of water. In other circumstances, the extended boundary was created to separate two other nations from having a com mon boundary. An example of a prorupted state would be Namibia. • Perforated states have other state territories or states within them. A great example of this is Lesotho, which is a sovereign state within South Africa. • Fragmented states exist when a state is separated. Sometimes large bodies of water can fragment a state. Indonesia is an example of a fragmented state. • Landlocked states lack a direct outlet to a major body of water such as a sea or ocean. This becomes problematic specifically for expo rting trade and can hinder a state’s economy. Landlocked states are mostly common in Africa, where the European powers divided up Africa into territories during the Berlin Conference of 1884. After these African territories gained their independence and br oke into sovereign states, many became landlocked from the surrounding ocean. An example here would be the Uganda. Human Geography Political Organization of Space 91 4.3 Boundaries Boundaries are often divided into two categories: (1) natural – following the course of a physical feature such as a river or ridgeline; (2) artific ial – drawn by humans. But so -called natural boundaries are still products of human choice — why establish that river , rather than this other one, as the boundary? Moreover, the political border may persist even after the physical feature which created th e original boundary has changed its location. Thus, the boundaries of states bordering the Mississippi River are fixed to the river’s old course, though the location of its m eanders has changed ( Figure 4.5 ). Boundaries play a critical role in how people interpret the world around them and can often be sources of conflict at all scales; from two neighbors arguing over where a fence should be placed to nation -states laying claim to parts of (or sometime s all ) other sovereign nations. It then becomes important to ask “W ho has the right and t he ability to define a boundary?” Consider the case of Kashmir, a territory disputed between India and Pakistan. Within India, publishers are required to show Kashmir as part of India. In 2011, the Indian government ordered the Economist magazine to remove or cover such a map in 28,000 copies of its May edition which were for sale in India ( Figure 4.6 ). Even well -known multi -national companies like Google Maps are censored if they show the area as “disputed.” This means that Indians grow up always seeing Kashmir as a part of their country, of equal standing with undisputed states like Tamil Nadu or Assam. Any proposal to recognize Pakistani control over part or all of Kashmir would then provoke severe resistance from the Indian populace. Maps outside the disputant countries commonly show both boundaries, noting their disputed status. But this compromise is not neutral, as it sends a message that both claims are equally legitimate. (Imagine, for example, if Canada announced a claim to Washington State, and maps published outside North America be gan showing that state as a disputed territory!) Figure 4.5 State line between Arkansas and Tennessee formerly followed the Mississippi River ( Human Geography Political Organization of Space 92 Another interesting question comes up when learning about boundaries, “Who owns the sea?” A maritime boundary is a conceptual division of the Earth’s water surface areas. As such, it usually defines areas of exclusive national rights over any natural resou rces within that boundary. A maritime boundary is delineated at a particular distance from the coastline. Although in some countries the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea defines the boundary of international waters. Controversies about territorial waters tend to encompass two dimensions: (a) territorial sovereignty, w hich is a legacy of history; and (b) relevant jurisdictional rights and interests in maritime boundaries, which are mainly due to differing interpretations of the law of the sea. Many disputes have been resolved through negotiations, but not all. For ins tance, The Strait of Juan de Fuca is the wide waterway stretching from the P acific Ocean on the west to the San Juan Islands on the east, with Vancouver Island to the north and the Olympic Peninsula to the south. This strait remains the subject of a mariti me boundary dispute Figure 4.6 Why would this map be banned in India ? (CC -by-sa Arun Ganesh, National Institute of Design Bangalore) Figure 4.7 The Strait of Juan de Fuca by The SeaWiFS Project, NASA /Goddard Space Flight Center (Public Domain) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 93 between Canada and the United States. The dispute is only over the seaward boundary extending 200 miles (320 km) west from the mouth of the strait. Both governments have proposed a boundary based on the principle of equidistance, but wi th different base point selections, resulting in small differences in the line. Also , the government o f British Columbia has rejected proposals by the United States , instead arguing that the Juan de Fuca submarine canyon is the appropriate “geomorphic and physio -geographic boundary.” Resolution of the issue should be simple but has been hindered because it might influence another unresolved maritime boundary issues between C anada and the United States around the Gulf of Maine. 4.4 Separatist Movements Occasionally people within a country find themselves unable to agree on the rules under which they can all live peaceably. When this happens , a separatist movement is likely to ensue . Often separatist movements revolve around questions of control over reli gious practice, language or other cultural questions. Usually, it’s a minority group, often living in a peripheral region of the country that is the offended party ready to break away from the majority group living in the country’s hearth or core region. Thousands of separatist movements have marked world history, and hundreds of Figure 4.8 Map of potential separatist regions in Europe. Source: European Free Alliance Human Geography Political Organization of Space 94 separatist groups are active today. Even within prosperous Europe, dozens of ethnic groups (nations) would like to break away to establish their own nation -state in Europe alone. In principle, Americans and American foreign policy support the right to self -determination, which is essentially the right of a group of people to control political system of the territory in which they live. Indeed, the United States itself was born of a rebellion by separatists living in a marginalized, peripheral region of the British Empire. American colonists’ rallying cry for self -determination was “no t axation without representation.” For many years, Scotland has debated their inclusion in the United Kingdom (England, Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland). Scottish people, many of whom are resentful of the dominance of their more numerous English neighbors , held a parliamentary vote in late 2014 to decide the question “Should Scotland be an independent country?” Ultimately, the Scots voted to stay part of the United Kingdom but to keep Scotland in the United Kingdom ; the English gave into several demands by Scottish separatists for additional autonomy from the British (English) control. Fast forward to June 2016 when the UK shocked the world by vot ing to leave the European U nion; Scottish separatists took advantage of the political and social instability to renew their call for independence and self -determination. 4.5 Politics and Identity Separatist movements do not always arise from perceived differen ces in identity. Just as often t he real difference is economic , but those who would lead a group to rebel rarely admit this basic fact. The American Civil War was less a fight over identity as it was over the control over rules governing economics, slavery , and cultural norms. Both sides of the conflict identified as American, but Southerners believed control should be local, and most Northerners believed that some of that local control (regarding slavery for example) should be a matter of national control. Perhaps the most in teresting thing about civil wars and separatist movements is that often those who suffer the most gain the least when fighting breaks out. As was the case in the American Civil War, the vast majority of soldiers from the South owned no slaves, and stood to gain from wage competition in the labor market upon emancipation. It was the elite Southerners that needed slavery. So how is it that people without much to fight for can be convinced to fight? Some of the answer lies in the ability of people in power to manipulate the opinions of segments of a population effectively. Populist politicians (radio hosts, etc.) often convince people that their individual or their groups’ problems are the result s of unfair treatment by another group. Sometimes, these arguments are legitimate and can be supported by fact; other times there is insufficient evidence to justify rebellion or secession . It is often nearly impossible to determine exactly whose interests a secessionist group represents. Sometimes, secession movements are led by a small political elite that claims the right to represent a larger majority. However, the elite may not be Human Geography Political Organization of Space 95 representative of the majority of the people, and their motives may be strictly personal (wealth, power). This is why the United States’ foreign policy finds questions of self-determination especially perplexing. Our government has yet to find a consistent response to those groups who desire to control their own territory. In some cases, the US has supported the rights of subnational groups to create a new country. The Clinton administration largely supported the dissolution of Yugoslavia into multiple new countries. In other instances, the US has worked with groups trying to exercise that right. Take , for example, the Kurdish peop le, an ethnic minority in northern Iraq, eastern Turkey and northwestern Iran. The Kurds have a separate language, history and identity from the Iraqis, Iranians and the Turks with whom they share space. Many Kurdish nationalists argue that there should be a new nation -state called Kurdistan. It would seem the Kurds have a legitimate argument, and there have been several Kurdish insurrections over the years. Each time though, Kurdish rebellions have been met with violence by the governments of Turkey, Iraq and Iran. The US government supported some measure of Kurdish autonomy in Iraq and Iran, but not in Turkey, presumably because that country is a strategic ally of the US. 4.6 Terrorism Terrorism is proving to be an en during global threat, because modern t errorist groups have become more lethal, networked and technologically savvy. Today, groups such as I SI L and al -Qa’ida can control land and hold entire cities hostage. This power mainly stems from their ability to generate revenue from numerous criminal activities with almost complete impunity. During the time of the 11 September 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and th e Pentagon, al -Qa’ida numbered around 300 mujahedeen in Afghanistan with the support of the Taliban. Fifteen years later, two global terrorist groups have emerged transforming the global threat landscape — al-Qa’ida and the Islamic State in the Levant (IS IL). At the end of 2015 ISIL controlled 6-8 million people in an area the size of Belgium, and maintained a force of between 30,000- 50,000 fighters while attracting the greatest number of foreign fighters in history. Currently , al -Qa’ida and ISIL are esc alating their attacks in an intense rivalry for global prowess and international reach while competing for affiliates worldwide. With its determination to govern and control territories in the Middle East, Africa , and Asia, ISIL is currently a greater thre at than al -Qa’ida. It represents a three – dimensional threat: a core situated in Iraq and Syria, ISIL regional affiliates and ISIL Figure 4.9 Static Map of Yugoslavia in 1989. Click to see animated loop of the dissolution of the coun try over a period of 20 years. ( Wikimedia CC- SA) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 96 online. This constellation has spawned ISIL -inspired foreign fighters, ISIL self- inspired radicalized cells, ISIL affiliates a nd, most importantly, ISIL criminal financing operations. As will be shown, ISIL criminal networks and operations are supported by all three dimensions. Since ISIL declared its caliphate in June 2014, ISIL core, regional affiliates and inspired groups have carried out more than 4,000 attacks in 28 countries. ISIL’s geographic presence has grown exponentially since it hit the world stage in 2014. ISIL has a total of 30 self – proclaimed wilayats or provinces, ten of which are outside of ISIL’s core base in Syria and Iraq. These include regional affiliates in Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Nigeria, Saudi Arabia and Yemen, as well as alli ed affiliates in Afghanistan and Pakistan. ISIL in Afghanistan consists of former members of the Afghan Taliban, the Haqqani Network, and the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) and it is supported by Jamaat Ul Dawa al Quran (JDQ). These groups have generated millions annually from narcotics trafficking and illegal extraction of precious stones and timber. As former members continue to splinter off, ISIL is thus not only generating an income from its wiliyats , but also through criminal markets of other gro ups. ISIL is actively making links to Southeast Asian terror groups as well. Home to 62 per cent of the world’s Muslims , the Asia Pacific region offers ISIL not only a new base to establish power, but also new avenues of revenue to exploit. Al-Qa’ida simil arly operates on a franchise model, with offshoots in Africa and Asia and it is developing new relationships with groups in the Caucasus, India , and Tunisia. Al -Qa’ida is also working towards territorial control , and in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) continues to have a strong presence in Yemen and remains the group’s greatest direct threat to the United States. The opportunistic ability for criminal -terrorist groups to take over geographic areas is due to collapsing s tate power and conflict in the Middle East and North Africa. The instability brought on after the wake of the Arab Spring, which led to hundreds of thousands of people trying to escape to Europe, further undermined state control challenging the authoritari an order in six Arab states. Four states — Libya, Iraq, Syria and Yemen – are failing or partially failing, leading to chronic conflict, lawlessness, and extreme poverty in the region. This has created an opportunity for radical religious extremists, terr orists, and criminal groups to prosper. Several states in the region can now no longer fully control and contain criminality and violent terror Figure 4.10 Deadliest Terror Groups, 2013 -2015 (Inst itute for Economics and Peace) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 97 within their borders (Figure 4.11. States worldwide are being challenged by criminal -terrorist networks; especially in prisons, urban areas, and cyberspace. Prisons have become the place where terrorists and criminals meet, plan, plot, and recruit. The most prominent example is Abu -Bakhr al- Baghdadi, the leader , and self – decla red caliph of ISIL, who spent formative time at Camp Bucca, a US -controlled prison in Iraq, where he met Samir Abd Muhammad al -Khlifawi, a former colonel in the intelligence service of Saddam Hussein’s air defence forces, who was the architect of the ISIL strategy for the takeover of towns, focusing heavily on surveillance and espionage. The Iraqi government estimates that 17 of the 25 most important ISIL leaders spent time in US prisons in Iraq, planning the creation of ISIL and its ideology. In the West, prisons have also become a networking and learning environment where terrorists and criminals can share ideology and build networks. A large percentage of terrorist recruits – some estimates are as high as 80 percent – have criminal records varying from p etty to serious crimes. The recruitment of criminals provides terrorists with the skill sets needed to succeed: a propensity to carry out violent acts, ability to act discreetly, and access to criminal markets for weapons, and bomb-building resources. A st udy on extremists who plotted attacks in Western Europe found that 90 percent of the cells were involved in income-generating criminal activities and half were entirely self-financed: only one in four received funding from international terrorist organizations. For Islamist extremist groups, prison has become an important recruitment location. They especially target young petty criminals with Middle Eastern backgrounds. The Charlie Hebdo attackers Amedy Coulibaly and Cherif Kouachi, for example, met in prison. There, they also met al -Qa’ida’s top op erative in France, Djamel Beghal, who served time for attempting to bomb the US Embassy in Paris in 2001. Abdelhamid Abaaoud, the mastermind of the Paris plot, as well as his co – conspirator Salah Abdeslam, also followed a trajectory from petty crime to armed robbery, both ending up in Figure 4.11 Largest Increase in Terrorist Related Death 2014 – 2015 (Institute for Economics and Peace) Figure 4.12 Worst terrorist attack in Afghanistan in 2015 was targeted at letting combatants out of prison (Institute for Economics and Peace) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 98 prison, where they met and were radicalized by Fouad Belkacem, the former leader of the Brussels terrorist recruiting organization Sharia4Belgium. State power is also progressively being weakened in large cities and ports. Ur ban centers harbor lawless enclaves that are exploited by criminals, terrorists, militants, and bandits. In so -called feral cities, such as Mogadishu, Caracas, Ciudad Juárez, and Raqqa, governments have lost their ability to gover n or maintain the rule of law. To build up more resilience in cities, the UN launched the Strong Cities Network (SCN) in September 2015. While terrorists have created insecurity in the real world for decades, there has been a major paradigm shift for the last 15 years: terrorists are now engaged in the world’s greatest open space, the internet. ISIL’s growing global influence marks the first time in history that a terrorist group has held sway in both the real and virtual worlds. Cyberspace has become a new domain for violence. It is used to project force with videos of torture and assassinations as well as to recruit. In cyberspace, extremist groups’ greatest success is their ability to use propaganda in a strategic way to entice fighters and followers. ISIL uses the digital world to create an idealized version of itself, a reality show that is designed to find resonanc e and meaning among its diverse supporters. For the adventure seeker, it broadcasts its military power and bloodthirsty violence; for those looking for a home, job, refuge, religious fulfi llment, or meaning in life, it uses this medium to present an idylli c world by depicting the caliphate as a peaceful, benevolent state committed to helping the poor. ISIL maintains a successful media wing, A l-Furqan, which includes over 36 separate media offices. Together, they produce hundreds of videos, as well as Roumiay (formerly Dabiq), ISIL’s online propaganda magazine. A study by RAND found that ISIL supporters sent over six million tweets from July 2014-May 2015. More than 40,000 foreign fighters from over 120 countries have flooded into Syria since the start of the country’s civil war, including 6,900 from the West, the vast majority of whom joined ISIL. The group is dependent on recruits from Europe for significant funding. It advises aspiring fighters to raise funds before leaving to join ISIL. European recruits ’ moneymaking schemes include petty theft, as well as defrauding public institutions and service providers. British foreign fighters committed large -scale fraud by pretending to be police officers and targeting UK pensioners for their bank details, earning more than US$1.8 mil lion before being apprehended. Figure 4.13 Top locations for ISIS tweeters (Wikimedia, CC -BY) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 99 ISIL has also been successful at using cybercrime to fund itself. It advises fighters on how to transfer funds through money service businesses, pre -paid debit cards, Apple Wallet , informal money transfer systems (hawala), and Dark Wallet, a dark web app that claims to anonymize bitcoin transactions. ISI L also instructs its followers to use the internet to acquire weapons. Cells planning attacks in Europe and ‘lone wolves’ are increasingly turning to the dark web to obtain weapons: 57 people were arrested in France in 2015 for buying firearms over the int ernet. The recent increase in global terrorism can be explained by several factors that have converged: war, religious and ethnic conflict, corrosive governments, weak militaries, failing states, and the growth of information technology. However, one of the most important developments is the increasing collaboration o f criminal and terrorist networks. While criminals used to focus only on revenue generation and terrorists were driven by political motives , we are currently witnessing a convergence of terrorism and crime. These new hybrid groups are driven by both, reven ue generation and political motives, resulting in criminal and terrorist groups with historically unprecedented resources and transgressive aims. The consequence of this expanding threat can be measured by the way in which both al -Qa’id a and ISIL have incr eased their sphere of influence worldwide. Figure 4.14 Major sources of revenue for ISIL (Institute for Economics and Peace) Figure 4.15 Increase in world -wide terrorism since 2000 (Institute for Economics and Peace) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 100 4.7 Other modern influences on the political landscape It has been argued that the fall of communism and the dissoluti on of the Soviet Union in 1991 caused the largest geopolitical upheaval since World War II; dramatically changing the political map and the world balance of power. The disbanding of Cold War alliances led to the creation of 15 independent states including, Armenia, Kazakhstan, R ussia and the Ukraine. In the past twenty -five years, these sweeping geopolitical changes resulted in a dramatic shift from military power to economic power. For example, Russia lost significant economic power after the fall of the Soviet Union. However, oil is an abundant natural resource in Russian and as the price of oil increases the Russian economy has begun to rebound. This rebound has provided vast amounts of money to rebuild their infrastructure, military, and economy and has thus dramatically impro ved their influence in the world ( Figure 4.16). As Russia’s economy has grown, so has the desir e to reunite many former USSR states under Russian rule. In 2014, during civil unrest in Ukraine, Russia moved troops into the Crimean Peninsula telling the world community that it was to protect the nation’s cultural and economic interests in the region. Considering the conflict from a spatial perspective makes it easier to understand why this region is so important to Russia. Located on the Northern Coast of the Black Sea, Crimea was a Russian territory until 1954 when it was given to Ukraine by Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev in an attempt to equally distribute natural resources more equitably in the USSR. When the Soviet Unio n broke up more than thirty years later, Crimea became part of the newly – independent Ukraine rather than Russia. In 2014, it was reported that nearly 60 Figure 4.16 The GDP of Russia since 1989 (Wikimedia, CC -YY-SA) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 101 percent of the population on the Crimean Peninsula still spoke Russian and considered themselves to be ethnic Russians. But language and culture are only part of the story. Consider this:  The Crimean Peninsula has been home to Russia’s Black Sea naval fleet since the 18 th century.  The small waterway between Crimea and the Russian mainland is the only access to the Azov Sea; the western heart of Russia’s oil and natural gas distribution to Europe. Additionally, Russia’s annexation of Crimea has thrown a spotlight on other disputed regions whose unresolved status could be a spark for conflict in the region (Region 4.4). Transnistria is a slim sliver of Moldova that split away from the country as the Soviet Union collapsed and has effectively been a Russian and Ukrainian speaking enclave ever since. Transnistria residents aspire to join Russia. The Moldovan government has already warned Russia not to attempt a Crimean-style. Other hot spots include Abkhazia, which broke away from Georgia in 1993. South Ossetia has been the subject of an unresolved conflict with Georgia since 1992 and provided Ru ssia justification for a short war with Georgia in 2008. Nagorno -Karabakh has been controlled by ethnic Armenians since 1994, despite being claimed by Azerbaijan, and the presence of Russia’s 102nd Military Base in Armenia prompts speculation that Russia c ould again intervene there. Ethnicity trumps nationality in these areas and the legacy of mixed communities hitherto part of the Russian Imperial and Soviet empires is coming back to haunt international relations. Another modern influence on the political landscape comes from the rise in democratic governments. In a democracy, most governments draw up functional regions called electoral districts (or voting districts) to determine who may vote for whom, which areas are represented by a specific government office (mayor, senator, governor, etc.) and which laws govern the actions of which regions. The smallest American electoral region is the precinct, which, at least in urban areas, is roughly “your neighborhood,” usually consisting of a few city blocks. You may vote only in the precinct assigned to your home address, and this pr ecinct is typically part of multiple, larger, nested Figure 4.17 Locations with ethnic and military ties to Russia by mwmbwls (Flickr CC – BY-NO$ -SA) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 102 electoral districts, like wards, townships, counties, congressional districts, states, etc. Most of the time, electoral districts have roughly the same number of people in each equivalent district. So for example, in 2011, each of California’s 80 State Assembly Districts had between 461,000 and 470,000 people. Each district has almost the same population as its neighbor. Efforts are made to keep all such districts similarly sized, so when a district lose s or gains population, the boundaries must be redrawn to ensure even representation and avoid over or underrepresentation called malapportionment. Every ten years, after the decennial US Census is completed , the US Constitution require s electoral distric ts must be redrawn following the census results. This process, known as political redistricting , involves a great deal of geographic strategizing, and the outcome of this process fundamentally shapes American politics. In most US states, the state legislature controls the redistricting process, and this fact opens the process to unfair political practices. The reason why the political redistricting process is so important is that elections are heavily influenced by the manner in which the boundaries of elec toral districts are drawn . Political groups that control the placement of boundaries are far more likely to control who gets elected, which laws get passed and how tax money is collected and spent Each redistricting cycle, politicians in many locations , are accused of purposefully constructing political district boundaries to favor one group (Democrats, Latinos, labor unions, gun advocates, e.g.) over another. The construction of unfair districts is called Gerrymandering . The odd term, “Gerrymander” comes from a new spaper story that characterized the unfair redistricting map of South Essex County in Massachusetts in 1812. The map of the redrawn districts strongly favored Massachusetts’ governor at the time, Elbridge Gerry . The shape of one district was so distorted t hat reporters suggested it looked like a sala mander , thus providing the two words that became the halves of the term used today to describe the process of creating unfair political Figure 4.18 North Carolina’s 12th congressional district is an example of packing. The district has predominantly African -American residents who vote for Democrats. (Wikimedia Public Domain) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 103 districts. There are several different strategies that politicians use to gerrymander districts. Where there is little cooperation between political parties (or other interest groups), politicians may pursue strategies that aggressively seek to limit the political influence of opposition groups. If the opposition (or ethnic mi nority) party is small enough, then the controlling group may draw lines through the minority areas, minimizing the opposition’s ability to influence the outcome of elections in as many regions as possible. This process, called cracking , has commonly been used to divide inner -city ethnic minority groups into multiple districts each d ominated numerically by whites. If the opposition grows too numerous to split, then group controlling the redistricting process may draw district lines so that the opposition i s dominant in a few districts, or even a single district to minimize the power of the opposition in the overall system. That strategy is called packing . Even a statistical minority can control power by carefully packing the majority group into cleverly dra wn district boundaries. There are dozens of other techniques by which one group can control the political power of others through manipulating election boundaries. However, it is likely that the most common unfairly drawn electoral district is the so -called sweetheart gerrymander drawn up cooperatively by incumbents from opposing politic al parties in order to help maintain the status quo. T his involves drawing up safe districts, which clearly favor one party over the other, ensuring maintenance of the status quo and nearly guaranteeing uncompetitive general elections – the primary electio ns may still be competitive. The most controversial type of districts are those based on race, and whether minority groups benefit or are harmed by minority -majority districts. Due to the perceived negative issues associated with gerrymandering and its ef fect on competitive elections and democratic accountability, numerous countries have enacted reforms making the practice either more difficult or less effective. Countries such as the U.K., Australia, Canada and most of those in Europe have transferred Figure 4.19 The left diagram represents competitively drawn districts. The middle demonstrates the packing technique and the rightmost demonstrates the cracking technique. (Wikimedia CC -SA) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 104 responsibility for defining constituency boundaries to neutral or cross -party bodies. Under these systems, an independent, and presumably objective, commission is created specifically for redistricting, rather than having the legislature do it. This is the system used in the United Kingdom, where the independent boundary commissions determine the boundaries for constituencies in the House of Commons and the devolved legislatures, subject to ratification by the body in question (almost always granted without debate). A similar situation exists in Australia where the independent Australian Electoral Commission and its state -based counterparts determine electoral boundaries for federal, state and local jurisdictions. To help ensure neutrality , members of a redistricting agency may be appointed from relatively apolitical sources such as retired judges or longstanding members of the civil service, possibly with requirements for adequate representation among competing political parties. Additionally, members of the board can be denied access to information that might aid in gerrymandering, such as the demographic makeup or voting patterns of the population. 4.7 Globalization and the Political Landscape The modern question of world politics exists in the context of globalization: politically, economically and culturally. In response to the acceleration of interdependence on a worldwide scale, both between human societi es and between humankind and environment , several entities designed to facilitate cooperation among world nations have been created . This “global governance” may also be used to name the process of designating laws, rules, or regulations intended for a global scale. Global governance is not world government, and even less democratic globalization. In fa ct, global governance would not be necessary, were there a world government. The definition is flexible enough to apply whether the subject is general (e.g. global security and order) or specific (e.g. the World Health Organization’s Code on the Marketing of Breast Milk Substitutes). Therefore, global governance is thought to be an international process of consensus -forming which generates guidelines and agreements that affect national governments and international corporations or supranational . The idea of global governance began to take shape early in the twentieth cent ury. I nternational re lations became a high priority as the world rebounded from two world wars. The question of the day was, “Can the wor ld survive a World War III?” To address this question the United Nations was formed shortly after World War II . In 2016, the U.N. was comprised of 193 nations. The sole purpose of the United Nations is to provide a forum for nations to state their grievances with other nations in a ci vil manner rather than through open warfare. One of the important documents that came from the United Nations is called the Declaration of Human Rights. Based on the United States Bill of Rights, this declaration declares what rights humans have Human Geography Political Organization of Space 105 throughout the world no matter what nation they are a citizen of. The most powerful council in the UN is the Security Council. The United States, the Russian Federation (formerly the Soviet Union), France, China, and the United Kingdom make up the permanent members of the council. Permanent members have veto powers for any Security Council resolution. Additionally, ten non -permanent members are elected for two -year terms. This council has the power to determine if peacekeeping or military intervention by the United Nations is necessary. Often, these nations have differences of opinion and philosophies on various security and human rights issues. Current ly, the Security Council is having problems coming together to decide what to do with the human rights abuses and mass murders of citizens in Syria. Issues of war are not the only things addressed within a global governance context. Other objectives whic h are addressed by global cooperative organizations are economics (World Bank, International Monetary Fund , World Trade Organization), environmental management ( United Nations Environmental Program, World Climate Summit), and science and technological adva nces (World Trade Organization, United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization). Regional Organizations The African Union (AU), which was founded in 2001 and is comprised of members from most of the nations in Africa. When conflicts occur in Africa, the AU is usually the first organization to handle the situation. The organization was founded to help Africa d eal with its brutally historic past of colonialism, slavery, and apartheid, but now includes promoting economic development. The Commonwealth of Nations consists of 53 member states that include most of the colonies of the former British Empire (Banglade sh, Canada, India, Pakistan, etc.). Figure 4.20Commonwealth realms, republics and monarchies (Wikimedia Commons, CC -SA) Human Geography Political Organization of Space 106 There are also organizations who are opposed to global governance because they perceive it as an excuse for world leaders to spread capitalism despite the cost to human rights . They believe that international agreements and global financial institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organization, undermine local decision -making. Corporations that use these institutions to support their own corporate and financial interests can exercise privileges that individuals a nd small bus inesses cannot, including the ability to move freely across borders, extract natural resources and take advantage of human resources (such as low wages and child labor). In light of the economic gap between rich and poor countries , anti -globalists claim that free trade without measures to protect the environment and the health and wellbeing of workers will merely increase the p ower of industrialized nations and cause the decline of many developing nations. Specifically, corporations are accused of seeking to maximize profit at the expense of work safety conditions and standards, labor hiring and compensation standards, environmental conservation principles, and the integrity of national legislative authority, independence and sovereignty. Right or wrong, globalization is a fact of life. For example, consider the creation of the “global” scale. It i s common now to think about problems having “global” significance and to look for policies to be implemented at a “global” level to solve them. But the global scale did not exist until the age of European exploration, beginning in the late 1400s . Rapid adv ances communication, transportation, technology, health and science – all uniquely human creations – have led people to increasingly see the world as an abstract sphere that can be fought over and divided up. Figure 4.21 Protest agains t the G8 -meeting in Heiligendamm, 2007 (Wikimedia, by Herder3, CC- BY -SA) Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Learn examples of boundaries, borders, and barriers around the world that exhibit the organization of the earth’s surface as identified through political geography. Human Geography Political Organization of Space 107 Reflection Questions: 1.What makes a group a nation versus a state? 2. What factors might create a separatist movement? 3. How did the United states come to be a federation and are those factors still relevant today? 4. How might boundary disputes be affected by artificial boundaries? 5. What factors might breed terrorist organizations and how has the development of the internet helped them grow? 6. Explain how the process of Gerrymandering has affected political processes. 7. On what basis’ were organizations like the United Nations and the International Monetary fund formed? Key AP Terms State Devolution of states NATO Territory Ethnicity (and state boundaries) European Union Territoriality Ethnic separatism ASEAN Power Terrorism NAFTA Space Economic globalization Electoral districts Boundaries Environmental issues Municipalities Nation -states Climate change Indigenous areas Colonialism Acid rain Provinces Imperialism Subnational units Supranational Organization Regional alliances Practice FRQ Since 1950 many states have faced challenges in developing a strong national identity. Using contemporary examples , explain how each of the following has contributed to the development of national identity and the strengthening of a state. A. Economic development B. Relocation of a state’s capital (since 1950) Using contemporary examples , explain how each of the following may detract from the development of national identity and weaken a state. C. Ethnicity D. Transportation infrastructure Human Geography Political Organization of Space 108 CH 4 Notes Human Geography Political Organization of Space 109 CH 4 Notes Human Geography Political Organization of Space 110 CH 4 Notes Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 111 Chapter 5 Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use AP Enduring Understandings • The development of agriculture led to widespread alteration of the natural environment • Major agricultural regions reflect physical geography and economic forces • Settlement patterns and rural land use are reflected in the cultural landscape • Changes in food production and consumption present challenges and opportunities Inquiry Questions What is agriculture, and where did agriculture begin? How did agriculture change with industrialization? What imprint does agriculture make on the cultural landscape? How is agriculture currently organized geographically, and how has agribusiness influenced the contemporary geography of agriculture? 5.1 The Roots of Agriculture The traditional story about agriculture goes something like this: originally, people were hunter-gatherers who lived short, poor lives because they had to scrounge for food from what nature provided. A t some point, someone in the tribe made the discovery that people could plant crops. This led to better food supplies, less work, and more leisure time to develop higher civilization. Geographers now know that this traditional story gets it backward in many ways. Hunting and gathering is a comfortable way of life, while agriculture is of ten an adaptation of necessity with significant negative ramifications. To start off, we need to define “agriculture.” The traditional story proposes that there is a major leap forward — sometimes called the “agricultural revolution” or “Neolithic revolu tion” — when s ocieties invent agriculture. However, it is more accurate to see agriculture as one stage on a continuum of intensification. Intensification refers to the amount of production per unit of land that is extracted for human use. Raising the lev el of intensification practiced by a society requires increased manipulation of natural processes by humans. We can imagine a scale of intensification running from a wilderness where the only human activity is hikers picking a few berries to eat on their w ay, to a modern industrial farm that mass -produces corn. Hunter-gatherers do not simply wander the landscape, picking up whatever food and other resources they happen across. Hunter- gatherer societies have sophisticated knowledge of the plants and animals found in their territory, and when and how they can be harvested . While they are somewhat at the mercy of the earth’s cycles and the bioclimatic zone in which they live , hunter-gatherers do not just wait for nature to provide them with resources. Instead, they are astute observers of weather and the Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 112 seasonal migration patterns of animals and growth patterns of plants , and they may deliberately manipulate the environment to encourage the production of the plants and animals they want. Australian Aborigine s practiced such a high level of intensification using fire that they were able to manipulate animals to gather in one place for easier kill or capture. Other hunter-gatherer societies had quite high levels of intensification as well. For example, the Nati ve Americans of the Northwest Coast, such as the Tlingit and Haida, sustained high population levels usually characteristic of agricultural societies because they had found ways to extract large amounts of resources from their environment. Agriculture is defined as the cultivation of crops and efforts to breed better strains. Cultivate means “to care for ”, and a crop is any plant cultivated by people. If society continues to increase its level of intensification, eventually it will find itself practicing types of production that we would recognize as agriculture. This is what occurred in different regions dating from 10,000 to 8,000 BC in the Fertile Crescent and perhaps 8000 BC in the Kuk Early Agricultural Site of Melanesia. There are various debates within the scientific community between human geographers, sociologists, and anthropologists as to why agriculture arose throughout these various locations, called hearths , around the world. Despite the debate, i n each hearth area, the transition from a largely nomadic hunter -gatherer way of life to a more settled, agrarian -based one, included not just the cultivation and domestication of plants, but also the domesti cation of animals. We can make some general assumptions that the cultivation of plants and domestication of animals was because of environmental or cultural push factors. It is likely that it was a combination of both , since a variety of agricultural hearths were grown around the world and under different circumstances . From a climate science Figure 5.1 Map showing centers of origin of agricult ure and its spread : the Fertile Crescent (11,000 BP), the Yangtze and Yellow River basins (9,000 BP) and the New Guinea Highlands (9,0 00–6,000 BP), Central Mexico (5,000– 4,000–3,000 BP) by Joey Row (CC BY ) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 113 perspective, the likely catalyst of agriculture was that around 10,000 years ago the earth was shifting away from the Pleistocene Ice Age and into a warming period called an interglacial period. AGRICULTURAL DIFFUSI ON The Columbian Exchange was the widespread transfer of plants, animals, culture, human populations, technology, and ideas between the Americas and the Old World in the 15th and 16th centuries, related to European colonization and trade after Christ opher Columbus’s 1492 voyage. T he contact between the two areas circulated a wide variety of new crops and livestock, which supported increases in population in both hemispheres, although diseases initially caused precipitous declines in the numbers of indigenous peoples of the Americas . Traders returned to Europe with maize, potatoes, and tomatoes, which became very important crops in Europe by the 18th century. Figure 5.2 Exchange of plants, animals and disease known as the Columbian Ex change by C. Hwa (Flickr, CC-BY -No$ -SA) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 114 Still, the question lingers: why would a society intensify to the point of developing agriculture? Agriculture increases the output of food per unit of land . Farmers can get more food and other resources — and hence support more people — out of a given chunk of land than hunter -gatherers can. Agriculture is thus associated with a boom in population. But if a populati on declines, a society may de -intensify t o hunting and gathering. Take for example the na tive people of the Amazon basin. When they were first encountered by European explorers , the explorers assumed that, since agriculture was obviously a better system of production, any society without agricu lture must never have learned of it. But in fact, the pre -Columbian Amazon was home to massive agricultural civilizations. Huge numbers of these people — perhaps 90% — were killed by European diseases, which spread faster than the explorers. With so many people gone, the surviving Amazonians decided they might as well return to hunting and gathering since they no longer needed the high intensification of agriculture to support their population. 5.2 Types of Agriculture Today, there are two divisions of a griculture, subsistence and commercial, which roughly correspond to the less developed and more developed regions. One of the most significant divisions between more and less developed regions is the way people obtain the food they need to survive. Most people in less developed countries are farmers, producing the food they and their families need to survive. In contrast, fewer than 5 percent of the people in North America are farmers. These farmers are able to produce enough to feed the remaining inhabitan ts of North America and to produce a substantial surplus. Subsistence agriculture is the production of food primarily for consumption by the farmer and mostly found in less developed countries. In subsistence agriculture, small -scale farming is primarily grown for consumption by the farmer and their family. Sometimes if there is a surp lus of food it might be sold, but that is not common. In commercial agriculture, the primary objective is to make a profit. The largest type of agriculture practiced around the world is intensive subsistence agriculture, which is highly dependent on anim al power, and is commonly practiced in the humid, tropical regions of the world. This type of farming is evidenced by major efforts to adapt the landscape for the purpose of increasing food production. As the word implies, this form of subsistence agricult ure is highly labor intensive on the farmer using limited space and limited waste. This is a very common practice in East, Figure 5.3 Subsistent farming in Yunnan Province, southern China by JialiangGao (Wikimedia, CC -BY -SA) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 115 South, and Southeast Asia where population densities are high , and land use is limited. The most common form is wet rice fields, but could also include non-wet rice fields like wheat and barley. In warm locations and long growing seasons, farmers may be able to efficiently get two harvests per year from a single field, a method called double cropping . Another form of subsistence agriculture is called shifting cultivation because the farmers shift around to new locations every few years to farm new land. Farming a patch of land tends to deplete its fertility and land that is highly productive after it is first cleared loses its productivity over the course of several harvests. In the first agricultural revolution , shifting cultivation was a common method of farming. There are two processes in shifting cultivation: 1) farmers must remove and burn the earth in a manner called slash -and-burn agriculture where slashing the land clears space, while burning the natural vegetation fertiliz es the soil, 2) farmers can only grow their crops on the cleared land for 2 -3 years until the soil is depleted of its nutrients then they must move on and remove a new area of the earth; they may return to the previous location after 5 -20 years after the natural vegetation has regrown. The most common crops grown in shifting cultivation are corn, millet, and sugarcane. Another cultural trait of LDCs is that subsistence farmers do not own the land; rather the village chief or council controls the earth. Slas h-and -burn agriculture has been a major contributor to deforestation around the world. Yet to address deforestation and the protection of species, humans need to address root issues such as poverty and hunger. Pastoral nomadism is similar to subsistence a griculture except that the focus is on domesticated animals rather than crops. Most pastoral nomads exist in arid regions such as the Middle East and Northern Africa because the climate is too dry for subsistence agriculture. The primary purpose of raising animals is to provide milk, clothing, and tents. What is interesting with pastoral nomads is that most do not slaughter their herds for meat; most eat grains by trading milk and clothing for grain with local farmers. The type of animals chosen by nomads is highly dependent on the culture of the Figure 5.4 Deforestation for Palm Oil plantation by ADPartners (Wikimedia CC -BY-SA) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 116 region, the prestige of animals, and the climate. Camels can carry heavy cargo and travel great distances with very little water; a great benefit in arid regions . Goats require more water, but can eat a larger variety of food than the camel. Mos t probably believe that nomads wander randomly throughout the area in search for water, but this is far from the truth. Rather pastoral nomads are very aware of their territory. In fact, each group controls a certain area and will rarely invade another are a. Each area tends to be large enough to contain enough water and foliage for survival. Some nomad groups migrate seasonally between mountainous and low-lying regions ; a process called transhumance . The second agricultural revolution coincided with the Industrial Revolution; it was a revolution that would move agriculture beyond subsistence to generate the kinds of surpluses needed to feed thousands of people working in factories instead of in agricultural fields. Innovations in farming techniques and machinery that occurred in the late 1800s and early 1900s led to better diets, longer life expectancy and helped sustain the second agricultural revolution. The railroad helped move agriculture into new regions, such as the United States Great Plains. Geographer John Hudson trace d the major role railroads and agriculture played in changing the landscape of that region from open prairie to individual farmsteads. Later, the internal combustible engine made possible the mechanization of machinery and the invention of tractors, combin es, and a multitude of large farm equipment. New banking and lending practices helped farmers afford the new equipment. In the 1800s, Johann Heinrich von Thünen (1983-1850) experienced the second agricultural revolution firsthand — because of which he developed his model (the Von Thünen Model), which is often described as the first effort to analyze the spatial character of economic activity. This was the birth of commercial agriculture. More developed nations tend to have commercial agriculture with a goal to produce food for sale in the global marketplace called agribusiness . The food in commercial agriculture is also rarely sold directly to the consumer; rather it’s sold to a food -processing company where it is processed into a product. This includes pro duce and Figure 5.5 In Jammu & Kashmir, these nomadic people are cow/buffalo herders and goat/sheep herders by Laportechicago (Wikimedi a, CC-BY) Figure 5.6 Commercial Farming by skeeze (Pixabay, Public Domain) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 117 food products. An interesting difference between least developed countries and most developed countries regarding agriculture is the percent of the workforce that farm . In LDCs, it is not uncommon that over half of the workforce are subsistence farmers. Yet in MDCs like the United States, the workforce that is farmers are far fewer than half. In the United States alone, less than 2 percent of the workforce are farmers, yet have the knowledge, skills, and technology to feed the entire nation. On e of the reasons why only 2 percent of the United States workforce can feed the entire nation has to do with machinery, which can harvest crops at a large scale and very quickly. MDCs also have access to transportation networks to provide perishable foods like dairy long distances in a short amount of time. Commercial farmers rely on the latest scientific improvements to generate greater yields, including crop rotation, herbicides and fertilizers, and hy brid plants and animal breeds. Another form of commercial agriculture found in warm, tropical climates, are plantations . A plantation is a large -scale farm that usually focuses on the production of a single crop such as tobacco, coffee, tea, sugar cane, rubber, and cotton to name a few. These forms of farming are commonly found in LDCs but often owned by corporations in MDCs. Plantations also tend to import workers and provide food, water, and shelter necessities for w orkers to live there year-round. 5.3 Making Sense of Land Use Remember that geographers are concerned with understanding why things happen in geographical spaces. Johann Heinrich von Thünen (1783 -1850) was a farmer on the north German plain and he developed the foundation of rural land use theory. Because he was a ke en observer of the landscape around him, he noticed that similar plots of land in different locations were often used for very different purposes. He concluded that these differences in land uses between plots with similar physical characteristics might be the result of differences in location relative to the market. Thus, he went about trying to determine the role that distance from markets plays in creating rural land -use patterns. He was interested in finding laws that govern the interactions between agr icultural prices, distance, and land use as farmers sought to make the greatest profit possible. The von Thünen model is focused on how agricultural is distributed around a city in concentric circles . The dot represents a city and the first ring (white) is dedicated to market gardening and fresh milk production. That is because of milk products and garden crops, such as lettuce, spoil quickly. Remember that at the time von Thünen dev eloped this model, there was no refrigeration , so it was necessary to get perishable produce to the market immediately. Because of this, producers of perishable crops were willing to outbid producers of less perishable crops to gain access to the land closest to the market. This means that land close to the community created a higher level of economic rent. Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 118 The second ring, von Thünen believed, would be dedicated to the production and harvest of forest products. This was because, in the early 19th century, people used wood for building, cooking, and heating. Wood is bulky and heavy and therefore difficult to transport. Still, it is not nearly as perishable as milk or fresh vegetables. For those reasons, von Thünen reasoned that wood producers would bid more for the second ring of land around the market center than all other producers of food and fiber, except for those engaged in the production of milk and fresh vegetables. The third ring, von Thünen believed, would be dedicated to crop rotation systems. In his time, rye was the most important cash grain crop. Inside the third ring, however, von Thünen believ ed there would be differences in the intensity of cultivation. Because the cost of gaining access to the land (rent) drops with distance from the city, those farming at the other edges of the ring would find that increased transportation costs would be off set by lower rents. Moreover, because those farming the outer edges would pay less rent, the level of input they could invest prior to reaching the point of decreasing marginal returns (the term “marginal returns” refers to changes in production relative t o changes in input), would be at a lower level than would be the case for those paying higher rent to be closer to the market. Therefore, they would not farm as intensely as those working land closer to the urban center. The fourth ring would be dedicated to livestock ranching. Von Thünen reasoned that unlike perishable or bulky items, animals could be walked to the market. Additionally, products such as wool, hide, horn, and so on could be transported easily without concern about spoilage. In von Thüne n’ s model, wilderness bounded the outer margins of von Thünen’ s I solated state. These lands, he argued, would eventually develop rent value, as the population of the state increased. Thus, in this basic theory , the only variable was the distance from the market. Von Thünen was a farmer, and as such, he understood that his model did not exist in the whole of the real world. He developed it as an analytical tool that could be manipulated to explain rural land -use patterns in a world of multiple variables. To do this, Von Thünen relaxed his original assumptions, one at a time, to understand the role of each variable. Figure 5.7 Johann Heinrich von Thünen’s model of agricultural distribution around a city in concentric circles (Wikimedia, Public Domain) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 119 One of the more stringent assumptions in the Von Thünen model was his assumption that all parts of the state would have equal access to all o ther parts of the nation (with distance being the only variable allowed). He knew that this did not represent reality because already in his time, some roads were better than others, railways existed, and navigable water routes greatly reduced the friction of distance between the places they served. Therefore, he introduced a navigable waterway into his model, and found that because produce would be hauled to docks on the stream for transport, each zone of production would elongate along the stream. Von Thünen also considered what would happen if he relaxed his assumption that production costs were equal in all ways except for the costs associated with distance from the market. Eventually, as he worked with his model, he began to consider the effects of differences in climates, topography, soils, and labor. Each of these could serve to benefit or restrict production in a given place. For example, lower wages might offset the advantages realized by being near a market. The d ifference in soil might also offset the advances of being close to the market. Thus, a farmer located some distance from the market with access to well -drained, well-watered land with excellent soil, and low -cost labor nearby, might be willing to pay higher rent for the property in question even if it were a bit further from the m arket than another piece of land that did not have such amenities. V on Thünen’s concentric circles were the result of the limits he imposed on his model in order to remove all influences except for distance. Once real -world influences are allowed to inva de the model, the concentric land -use pattern does not remain in place. Modern technology, such as advances in transportation systems, increasingly complicates the basic concentric circle model. Recent changes in the nature of demand for agricultural prod ucts also influence land -use patterns. Changes in demand for farm products often have dramatic impacts on land uses. For Figure 5.8 Von T hünen model, left – modi fied by a river, right by George Van Otten and Dennis Bellafiore ( https://www.e – ) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 120 example, when fuel production companies demanded dramatically increased quantities of corn to produce ethanol, and the price of corn rose accordingly , farmers responded by shifting from other food crops to ethanol -producing corn. As a result, land well suited for corn production now sells at premium prices (in Iowa and other corn -producing states, an acre of farmland may bring $12,000.00 or more) . Currently, there is little extra farm land available upon which an expansion might take place. Therefore, changes in demand normally result in farmers shifting to crops that will bring the highest return. The mid -Willamette Valley of Oregon provides another example of the way in which changes in dema nd affect agricultural land uses. For years, the mid -Willamette Valley was the site of many medium-sized grain farms. The primary grain crops included wheat, barley, oats, Austrian peas, and clover. In addition , farmers in the region also produced row cro ps, orchard crops, hay, and grass seed. During the 1970s, in response to increasing demand, the price of grass seed increased dramatically. As a result, Willamette Valley farmers quickly changed their focus from the production of grain to grass seed. Soon after, a number of grain processing facilities closed, and grass seed cleaning, storage, and market facilities opened. There were other unexpected impacts as well. For example, Willamette Valley grain farms once provided excellent habitat for Chinese phea sants. Pheasants eat grain, but they do not eat grass seed. When the grain fields disappeared, so, too, did the pheasants. Figure 5.9Fall view of the Willamette Valley, in Northern Polk County, Oregon, near Bethel by Rvannatta (Wikimedia, CC -BY-SA) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 121 Like pheasants, people do not eat grass seed. On the other hand, oats, wheat, and barley are all food crops. Once a nation can mee t its basic food needs, agriculture can meet other demands, such as the demand for Kentucky bluegrass for use on golf courses, lawns, and other landscaping. As incomes go up, the demand for food crops will grow proportionately. Eventually, however, when the demand for food is satiated, subsequent increases in income will no longer bring corresponding increases in the demand for food. This is the result of the elasticity of demand relative to changes in income. The measure of elasticity of demand is calculat ed by noting the amount of increase in demand for an item that a unit of increase in income generates. For example, luxury products such as expensive wines have a high elasticity of demand, whereas more common items such as rice have a low elasticity of de mand. Once a family has all the rice it can normally eat, it will not purchase more as a result of more income. More income, however, would likely bring an increase in the consumption of prime cuts of beef or other such luxury foods. New technologies in transportation, agricultural production, and the processing of food and fiber often have substantial impacts on the use of rural land. Transportation is particularly influenced by technological changes . For example, the construction of the rail lines that connected the Midwestern United States with the market centers of the East made it possible for farmers in Iowa, Illinois, and other prairie states to improve their profits by feed ing the corn they grew to hogs which they then shipped to the markets in the east. This is because the value of a pound of pork has always been far greater than the value of a pound of corn. Thus, by feeding the corn to the hogs, and then shipping the hogs , the farmers could earn greater profits because the shipping costs of their product were lower. In a sense, the farmers were selling corn on the hoof. Without easy access to railheads , this profitable agricultural scheme would not have been possible. O f course, some folks have specialized in selling corn after it has been distilled into a liquid form. During the time when the sale of alcohol was illegal in the USA, the transport of “liquid corn” was made easier when, in 1932, Henry Ford introduced the Ford V8, thereby enabling “M oonshiners” to move their product from hidden distilleries to waiting markets without being caught by the police. Additionally, “moonshiners” became expert mechanics who could turn a standard 60 horsepower V8 into a powerful, fas t, agile machine. In fact, people who specialized in modifying these stock cars became pioneers in NASCAR racing. Figure 5.10 Corn and hog farm along country road. Library of Congress Prints & Photographs Division Washington, DC: Digital Reproduction Number: LC- USF34 -060620- D (b&w film neg.) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 122 Over the years, improvements in technologies have tended to drive down the relative costs associated with shipping farm produce. Furthermore, inventions such as refrigerated rail cars and trucks have eliminated some of the land – use constraints that once limited the locational choices of farmers who produced perishable goods. Less expensive haulage costs, decreased transit times, and better hand ling and processing methods have all served to make transportation systems more efficient and, hence, less expensive. In theory, this should serve to reduce the importance of distance relative to other non – distance factors. Consider how far from the market a producer of fresh vegetables could locate in the early 19th century. The la ck of all-weather roads and reliance on the transportation conveyances of the time (human and animal power) dictated a production location within a few miles of the market. The creation of all -weather roads that could be traversed by a horse and wagon, however, changed the situation. Without the roads, fresh vegetable growers would have been forced to pay high prices for land very near the market. With the roads, they were able to use less expensive land and still get their crops to market before spoilage made it impossible to sell them. If the creation of an all -weather road made such a difference in land uses , imagine the impacts of the refrigerated aircraft now used to deliver loads of fresh flower s. Currently, many of the fresh flowers sold in US supermarkets come to the United States from the Netherlands via giant jet transport aircraft. Clearly, this techn ology has significantly altered the importance of distance relative to the production of fresh flowers. 5.4 Agricultural Regions There has always been a delicate balance between how much of the Earth’s surface can be used for agriculture and the ability to produce enough food to sustain a growing population. Climate, terrain, ground water and soil composition create limits on what and where crops can be produced without major human adaptations to the landscape. New technologies and scientific knowledge h ave helped to increase the world’s cultivated land significantly . However , spatial variations in land resources like rainfall and temperature zones are still the most significant factors in determining what land is suitable for certain crops and types of agriculture. Figure 5.11 19th Century Delivery Cart Powerhouse Museum from Sydney, Australia (Wikimedia, Public Domain) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Pro duction and Rural Land Use 123 The world’s cultivated land has grown by 12 percent over the last 50 years, mostly at the expense of forest, wetland and grassland habitats. At the same time, the global irrigated land has doubled. The distribution of these land and water assets is unequal among countries. Although only a small part of the world’s land and water is used for crop production, most of the easily accessible and (thus economic) resources are under cultivation or have other ecol ogically and economically valu able uses. Th erefore, the ability to expand more cultivated land is limited. Only parts of South America and sub -Saharan Africa st ill offer a scope for some expan sion. At the same time, competition for water resources has also been growing to the extent that today more than 40 percent of the world’s rural population is now living in water- scarce regions. Th e total global land area is 13.2 billion hectare (ha). A hectare is a metric s ystem area unit and widely used land measure ment for agriculture and forestry; i t equals to 10,000 square meters. Of this, 12 percent (1.6 billion ha) is currently in use for cul tivation of crops, 28 percent (3.7 billion ha) is under forest, and 35 percent (4.6 billion ha) comprises grasslands and woodland ecosystems. Low -income countries cover ab out 22 percent of the land area, but they account for 38 percent of the global popula tion. Land use varies with climatic and soil conditions and human influences (Figure 5.12). Figure 5.13 further shows the dominant land use by region. Deserts prevail across much of the lower northern latitudes of Africa and Asia. Dense forests predomi nate in the heartlands of South America, along with the seaboards of North America, and across Canada, Northern Europe and much of Russia, as well as in the tropical belts of Central Africa and Southeast Asia. Cultivated land is 12 to 15 percent of total land in each category. Cultivated land is a leading land use (a fifth or more of the land area) in South and Figure 5.12 Regional D istribution of Land Use and Cover (FAO, SOLAW) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 124 Southeast Asia, Western and Central Europe, and Central America and the Caribbean, but is less important in sub-Saharan and Northern Africa, where cultivation covers less than a tenth of the area. In low -income countries, soils are often poorer , and only 28 percent of the total cultivated land is suitable for high yield crops. It is also important to note that with overall growth in cultivated land, rain-fed croplands have declined slightly and irriga ted cropland has more than doubled in the time between 1961-2008. This helps us to understand the ways in which humans have adapted the landscape for agricultural purposes. Water resources available for irrigation are very unevenly distributed, with some countries having an abundance of water while others live in conditions of extreme scarcity or sh ortage of water . Also , even where water may appear abundant, much of it is not accessible or is very expensive to develop, or is not close to lands that can be developed for agriculture. Water scarcity has three dimensions: physical (when the available sup ply does not satisfy the demand), infrastructural (when the Figure 5.13 Global Land Use in 2012 (United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization, Global Agro -ecological Zone Data, CC – BY) Figure 5.14 Evolution of land under irrigated and rain fed cropping (1961 – 2008) (FA-SOLAW) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 125 infrastructure in place does not allow for satisfaction of water demand by all users) and institutional (when institutions and legislations fail to ensure reliable, secure and equitable supply of water to users). In some regions, particularly in the Middle East, Northern Africa and Central Asia, countries are already using water resources more than what is available. The resultant stresses on ecosystems are increasingly apparent. It is now estimated that more than 40 percent of the world’s rural population lives in river basins that are, physically water , scarce. Table 5.1: Types of Rainfed Production Systems and Regions System Characteristics and examples Rain -fed agriculture: highlands Low productivity, small -scale subsistence (low – input) agriculture; a variety of crops on small plots plus few animals. Rain -fed agriculture: dry tropics Drought -resistant cereals such as maize, sorghum and millet. Livestock consists often of goats and sheep, especially in the Sudano -Sahelian zone of Africa, and in India. Cattle are more widespread in southern Africa and in Latin America. Rain -fed agriculture: humid tropics Mainly root crops, bananas, sugar cane and notably soybean in La tin America and Asia. Maize is the most important cereal. Sheep and goats are often raised by poorer farmers while cattle are held by wealthier ones . Rain -fed agriculture: subtropics Wheat (the most important cereal), fruits (e.g. grapes and citrus) and oil crops (e.g. olives). Cattle are the most dominant livestock. Goats are also important in the southern Mediterranean, while pigs are dominant in China and sheep in Australia. Rain -fed agriculture: temperate Main crops include wheat, maize, barley, r apeseed, sugar beet and potatoes. In the industrialized countries of Western Europe, the United States and Canada, this agricultural system is highly productive and often combined with intensive, penned livestock (mainly pigs, chickens and cattle). Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 126 At the same time, in more developed countries, urban and industrial demand, has been growing faster than agricultural demand. Whereas in less -developed countries agricultural use remains dominant, in Europe 55 percent of water is used by industry. Water stresses occur locally across the globe, but some entire regions are highly stressed, particularly the Middle East, the Indian sub – continent and northeastern China. Sub -Saharan Africa and the Americas experience lower levels of water stress. The quality of water is also impacted when run -off returns to the environment. In general, increasing population and economic growth combined with little or no water treatment have led to more negative impacts on water quality. Agriculture, as the largest water user, is a major contributor. Key pollutions include nutrients and pesticides derived from crop and livestock management. Rain -fed agriculture depends on rainfall for crop production, with no permanent source of irrigati on. Rain -fed agriculture produces about 60 percent of global crop output in a wide variety of production systems (Table 5.1). The most productive systems are concentrated in temperate zones of Europe, followed by Northern America, and rain -fed systems in the subtropics and humid tropics. Rain-fed cropping in highland areas and the dry tropics tends to be relatively low – yielding, and is often associated with subsistence farming systems. Evidence from farms worldwide shows that less than 30 percent of rainfall is used by plants in the process of cu ltivation. The rest evaporates into the atmosphere, percolates to groundwater or contributes to river runoff. 5.5 Agricultural Economics We know that climate and terrain place physical limits on what can be grown in certain locations on Earth. However, we must also take into account the geographic nature of the choices farmers ma ke when deciding what to plant. Once subsistence farming intensifies to the point of producing more food than it requires to feed a family or local community, it makes financial sense for farmers to sell their excess products. Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Learn examples of boundaries, borders, and barriers around the world that exhibit the organization of the earth’s surface as identified through political geography. Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 127 In this shift from substance to commercial agriculture farms need to be profitable; and the more profitable , the better, so farmers carefully choose the crops and animals they raise. These decisions , in turn, affect what we eat. You might be thinking, “ Farmers don’t control what I eat. I just eat what tastes good”, but opinions vary wildly on the issue of taste preference from country to country, and even within the countries. Taste preferences for food vary within and across ethnicities, and even house to house among people that would seem ali ke in almost every way. Still, there are trends that characterize regions, in the US, and around the world, many of these foodways have roots in the local geography of a place. It is often said, “you are what you eat,” but geographers might add the rejoind er “what you eat depends on where you eat.” Family traditions determine largely what people eat, but understanding the evolution of those traditions requires an analysis of the spatial contexts in which they evolved. Our ethnic heritage explains much of o ur taste preferences. European immigrants to the US established most American foodways. Europeans living 300 years ago would have readily recognized many American dietary staples , such as beef, pork, chicken, bread, pasta, cheese, and milk, as well as a nu mber of the fruits and vegetables we commonly eat. Modern Americans also copy foodways borrowed from the indigenous people of the Americas. Less prominent elements of American’s diet are traceable to Asia and Africa. Eating is a daily ritual, and as such , it is a deeply ingrained cultural routine. What you like to eat is probably not that different from what your parents and grandparents like to eat. The same was true for your grandparents, giving dietary habits exceptional staying power. This fact is par t of the reason behind our obesity crisis. Our lifestyle has changed as rapidly as technology and the economy has evolved, but many of our foodways are stubbornly resistant to change. The diets that served our ancestors who were farmers or laborers engaged in strenuous dail y activities, provides too many calories and fat for a generation working and living in the information age. Cultural lag is the term that describes the inability of cultural practices to keep pace with changes in technological advancement. Numerous be haviors exhibit cultural lag, and culturally conservative regions exhibit a greater degree of cultural lag than places w ith more progressive tendencies A sizeable portion of the American diet is purely American. We have adopted a number of foodstuffs favored by Native Americans. Maize, better known in America as “corn ,” is perhaps the most American part of our diet. Domesticated by the indigenous people of Mexico thousands of years ago, it has proven a versatile and hardy plant. It’s so versatile that today much of the world eats maize in some fashion. Most Americans Figure 5.15 Sweet Corn. This variety of maize is consumed directly by humans, unlike field corn which is generally processed into flours, syrups or used for animal feed. (Wikimedia, CC -BY) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 128 know maize mostly as sweet corn. Americans eat sweet corn like corn on the cob, but also canned, frozen and fresh “off the cob ,” and in a variety of dishes. Less well known are maize varieties known as field corn, although it is far more common because of its great versatility. Field corn is too hard to eat raw, so we modify it. Some of it is processed into cornmeal or cornstarch, which we in turn use to make things like corn chips, tortillas and sauces. We also consume a lot of corn syrup and high fructose corn syrup (HFCS ) made from field corn. Corn syrups are used as a sweetener, thickeners, and to keep foods moist or fresh. HFCS is an inexpensive replacement for cane and beet sugars, and therefore is the most common sweetener used in processed foods and soft drinks. Several scientists suspect corn sweeteners play a significant role in the obesity crisis in the United States, and elsewhere. Some critics argue that although it tastes nearly the same, the human body responds differently to HFCS than traditional sugars. They argue that since HFCS replaced cane sugar as the most common sweetener, a variety of health issues have a ppeared in the US and elsewhere. Of course, the corn industry disputes such charges. Since this isn’t a biology course, there is no reason to wade into a discussion of human metabolism, but it is appropriate to illustrate how geography partly explains why we use HFCS in such vast quantities. Several reasons explain the use of HFCS, rather than granulated sugars, including cane sugar and beet sugar. Cost is the obvious reason, but why HFCS is cheaper has a lot to do with geography. First, corn grows well in much of the US, so farmers can flood the market and drive down prices. Sugar cane and sugar Figure 5.16 Field corn is the most common crop in the US, and ranks only behind wheat and rice worldwide. (Wikimedia, CC – BY) Figure 5.17 Farms receiving federal farm subsidies. Notice the amount of farms receiving money in corn producing states. (USDA, Public Domain) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 129 beets, on the other hand, are less well adapted to American climates. Sugar cane grows best in a rainy climate and to be profitable requires a very long, warm grow ing season. Only Hawaii, parts of Texas, Louisiana and Florida can profitably produce sugar cane. Cane yield is highly dependent on climate, and only Hawaii’s climate is ideal in the US. Cane yields in Hawaii are triple those in Louisiana. Sugar beets are more widely grown in the US because they grow well in multiple climates. California and Minnesota both produce sugar beets. Half of the US granulated sugar production is made from beets. Climate and labor conditions outside the US make foreign sugar much cheaper than domestic sources. The other main reason HFCS is far less expensive than granulated sugar is US government policies. First, the government provides massive subsidies to the corn industry, helping drive down the price of HFCS. At the same time, the US government provides spec ial subsidies to cane sugar producers through tax breaks and incentives. The US government even buys sugar that farmers cannot sell at an above world market price. More importantly, the US government restricts sugar imports, especially from Cuba, an otherw ise cheap source of sugar for Americans. These trade protection policies help sugar farmers, but food processors and consumers wind up paying higher prices for cane sugar and sugar-sweetened foods than they would under free market conditions. As a result, food processors use HFCS. The nearly $8 billion subsidy paid to corn farmers is four times greater than that paid to the sugar beet and cane industry. This has consequences. One is that there is a huge surplus of corn. In 2014, there w ere about 1.63 bill ion bushels of corn left unsold. Figure 5.18 US Sugar Production . What conclusions can you make when comparing this with Figure 5.15? (US Sugar Alliance , Public Domain) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 130 Some years it’s higher. One side effect is that people eat only a tiny fraction of the field corn grown in the US directly. About half of the yearly field corn crop is used to make biofuels, particularly ethanol that is blended with gasoline by many petroleum companies. If you own a car, corn is probably in your gas tank; and your lungs if you live in a smoggy location. The other half of the corn crop becomes animal feed. Farmers use both the grain and the silage, to feed ca ttle. Farmers feed corn to chickens and hogs as well. Even cat and dog food s often have corn in it. Exceptionally cheap corn helps make meat less expensive than many other types of food. College students on a budget already know that it is a lot cheaper to buy lunch at a local fast-food burger joint than a healthy green salad. Government policies also shape school lunch programs. Kids get cheap, often unhealthy, food and return agribusiness benefits. In 2011, the US Congress even declared pizza sauce and k etchup “vegetables” for the sake of school lunches to help specific agribusiness interests. The inexpensive ness of unhealthy meats and grains increases the incentives for their consumption, often in the form of fast food. In impoverished regions of the US, fast food is more widely available than elsewhere . Spatially, we can track the impact of these agricultural policies on the geography of the United States ( Figure 5 .19). The economics of agriculture don’t just impact our waistline. They impact who farms the land. Small -scale farms are far more impacted by fluctuations in the price of their Figure 5.19 Percent of obese adults and number of fast food restaurants in each state 2011. By LukeB4uleap (Wikimedia, CC -BY) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 131 goods because they are often dependent on one specific product. Conversely, large-scale commercial farms can spread out their economic risk among several products, la rger stock or even multiple locations, in the case of a devastating weather event, crop catastrophe or price fluctuation. An example of this can be seen in the dairy farming in the Unites States. A major transformation of dairy farming has reduced the number of farms by nearly 60 percent over the past 20 years, even as total milk production increased by one – third. Recent results from the Census of Agriculture and the Agricultural Resource Management Survey (ARMS) detail how and why the structure of dairy produ ction has changed. The mean herd size of dairy farms rose from 61 cows in 1992 to 144 in 2012, but most cows are now on farms that are much larger than average. The midpoint farm size is used to track cows; the midpoint shows the herd size at which half o f all cows are in larger herds and half are in smaller herds. In 1992, the midpoint of 101 cows was not much larger than the mean, reflecting the fact that most cows were small and mid -size dairy farms. However, the midpoint rose sharply over the next two decades, to 900 cows by 2012, over six times larger than the mean herd size. In the simplest terms, your milk is most likely coming from a large – scale commercial farm rather than your local family -owned dairy. (Check out ) The shift to larger dairy farms is driven largely by the economics of dai ry farming. Average costs of production, per gallon of milk, are lower in larger herds because production and distribution are more efficient. These costs include the estimated costs of the farm family’s labor as well as resource costs. Figure 5.21 On average, lager farms have larger profits. (USDA, Public Domain Data) Figure 5.20 Milk production is sh ifting to larger herds (USDA, Public Domain Data) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 132 The cost differences reflect differences in input use; on average, larger farms use less labor, capital, and feed per gallon of milk produced. This is known as economy of scale and is the reason starting and maintaining small and mid -sized farming operations can be so difficult. A large dairy owner can make a deal with other farmers to purchase enormous amounts of corn, soybeans , and hay at a di scount to feed their milk cows while a small -scale farmer is more likely to pay a higher retail price. In addition to the costs associated with running a commercial agricultural operation, small -scale dairy farmers are highly impacted by the price of mil k. There are many factors that influence milk prices in the United States, including state and federal programs designed to ensure that milk prices don’t fall so low that dairy producers can ‘t cover the cost of production . Non-governmental organizations, such as dairy cooperatives, also play a role in determining minimum pricing. Based on August 2016 price estimates from USDA, U.S. farmers and ranchers again received about 17.4 cents for every $1 spent by consumers for food at the retail level. More than 8 0 cents per $1 went for marketing, processing, wholesaling, distribution and retailing. A producer’s share of a gallon of fat -free milk, selling for $3.99 at retail, was $1.47, or about 37 percent. Figure 5.22 is aimed at policy makers to change the way in which prices are set for milk so that small -scale farmers can stay competitive with larger – scale operations. 5.6 Spatial Geography of Food The transformation of agriculture into la rge-scale agribusiness has created a complex system linking food production with consumers. Here is how we think of our modern food system: This miraculous system which causes food to appear in grocery stores is an illusion. Somehow, we imagine the farmer pulling his or her truck up behind the supermarket and unloading baskets of fresh fruits and vegetables or sides of beef and pork into the open arms of the retailer and his staff. And, frankly, the bigger the supermarket, the more likely there will be signs, photos, and even wall -sized murals showing farmers and ranche rs smiling as they offer their vegetables and fruit or stand with an arm around the neck of a sleek beef cow. Figure 5.22 Advertisement by the Wisconsin Farmers Unit (Public Domain) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land U se 133 In reality, the path our food takes to get to our plates is more like a messy game of hopscotch. A g eographer thinks of these complex supply chains in a global spatial context. Each stop along the way from food producers to consumers represents part of the agricultural landscape. So, how far does our food travel before it gets to our plates? Consider the journey of a Washington apple. Washington State is one of the largest producers of apples in the United States (Figure 5.21) however, the processing of apples for juice and apple sauce occurs all across the country, with one of the largest operations being Knouse Foods in Pennsylvania. That means if you live next to an orchard in Wenatchee, Washington and you go to the local grocery store for applesauce, it’s likely to have traveled about 5,300 miles from Washington to Pennsylvania and KEY TERMS A commodity a raw material or primary agricultural product that can be bought and sold, such as copper or coffee. A commodity chain (or supply chain) is a common tool that geographers, economists, and other social scientists use to understand the journey of a particular resource, from when it is first extracted through processing and refining, to when it is sold and consumed as a finished product. This tool is especially useful for tracing the connections between the places and people involved, and the impact that our demand for a comm odity has on the environment. Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 134 back again. This is not the exception, but rather the rule, in our current food system . Shipping food long distances for processing and packaging, importing and exporting foods that don’t need to be imported or exported – these are standard practices in the food indu stry. According to one report, in 1996, Britain imported more than 114,000 metric tons of milk. Was this because British dairy farmers did not produce enough milk for the nation’s consumers? No, since the UK exported almost the same amount o f milk that year, 119,000 tons. Food has moved around the world ever since Europeans brought tea from China , but efficient modern transportation and bioengineering has made it more practical to bring food from distant places where labor costs and farm expenses may be cheaper . N owadays, i t is not only tropical foodstuffs such as sugar, coffee, chocolate, tea, and bananas that are shipped long distances to come to our tables but also fruits and vegetables that once grew locally, in household gardens and on small farms. An apple imported to Washington from New Zealand is often less expensive than an apple from the historic apple -growing county of O kanogan , just a few hours away from Seattle . And the global diffusion of mega -marts like Costco and Walmart have only accelerated this trend. It is estimated that the average American meal travels about 1500 miles to get from farm to plate. Why is this cause for concern? There are many reasons: • This long -distance, large -scale transportation of food consumes large quantities of fossil fuels. It is estimated that we currently put almost 10 kcal of fossil fuel energy into our food system for every 1 kcal of energy we get as food. • Transporting food over long distances also generates great quantities of carbon Figure 5.23 Annual apple production US vs. Washington (USDA, Public Domain) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 135 dioxide emissions. Some forms of transport are more polluting than others. Airfreight generates 50 times more CO2 than sea shipping. But sea shipping is slow, and in our increasing demand for fresh food, food is increasingly being shipped by faster – and more polluting – means. • To transport food long distances, much of it is picked while still unripe and then gassed to “ripen” it after transport, o r it is highly processed in factories using preservatives, irradiation, and other means to keep it stable for transport and sale. Scientists are experimenting with genetic modification to produce longer – lasting, less perishable produce. 5.7 Nutritional Ne eds With all of this food being shipped around the world, the question must be asked , “Why are there still hungry people in the world?” That is a complex and highly debated question right now. First , we need to look at the production of food by global region. It shows some notable patterns. Visit for a visualization of complex commodity chains worldwide. Figure 5.24 World Agricultural Production (FAO, Public Domain) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 136 First, it’s important to understand the graph. The index of 100 refers to the base level of production in 1961. Therefore, any movement away from the base level can be seen as a percentage change. For example, world output has increased by 140 percent from 1961 to 1999. The vast majority of this increase is as a result of increases in Asia. In Asia , we can see almost a 75 percent increase in food production. In contrast, Africa shows a general decline of 10 percent by 1999. The graph also shows that food production i s quite variable over time. Most regions except for Asia have experienced periods of increased output and periods of decline. Figure 5.25 shows the net exporters of food worldwide . There are a number of important points of reference. First , there are only a few net exporters of food; the main countries being USA, Canada, France, Germany, Poland , Brazil, China , and Aust ralia, with some other South American and South East Asian economies also net exporters of food . The most striking pattern in the map is the reliance of almost the entire African continent on food imports. Traditionally, the developing countries as a whole have had a net surplus in agricultural trade. However, the agricultural trade balance of the developing countries has gradually dwindled until, by the mid -1990s, it was more often negative than positive. Unfortunately, this overall trend masks a complex picture which varies from one commodity to another and from one country to another. The drastic decline in developing countries’ net surplus in sugar, oilseeds and vegetable oils, for example, reflects growing consumption and imports in several developing countries and the effects of protectionist policies in the major industrial countries. For commodities produced almost entirely in developing countries and consumed predominantly in the industrial countries, such as coffee and cocoa, slow growth in demand prevented the trade balance of the developing countries from improving. Fluctuating prices further Figure 5.25 Net food exports 2014 (The Atlas of Economic Complexity, CC -BY) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 137 contributed to the problem. Globally, there is enough land, soil and water, and enough potential for further growth in crops , to make the necessary production possible . Harvest growth will be slower than in the past, but at the global level this is not , and producers have satisfied effective market demand in the past. But the concept of supply and demand does not represent the total need for food and other agric ultural products worldwide because hundreds of millions of people lack the money to buy what they need or the resources to produce it themselves. We can produce enough food in the world as a whole, but there will still be problems of food security at the household or national level. In urban areas, food insecurity usually reflects low incomes, but in poor rural areas , it is often inseparable from problems affecting food production. In many areas of the developing world, the majority of people still depend on local agriculture for food and livelihoods , but the potential of local resources to support further increases i n production is very limited, as technology to produce larger crops is limited . Examples are semi-arid areas and areas with problem soils. In such areas, agriculture is often dependent on global policies and the ability to offer economic and technological aid . FAO estimates that around one billion people are undernourished and that each year more than three million children die from undernutrit ion before their fifth birthday. In addition , physiological needs of pregnant and lactating women also make them more susceptible to malnutrition and micronutrient deficiencies. Twice as many women suffer from malnutrition as men, and girls are twice as li kely to die from malnutrition Figure 5.26 World Hunger 2015 – Undernourishment means that a person is not able to acq uire enough food to meet the daily minimum dietary energy requirem ents, over a period of one year (FAO, Public Domain Data) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 138 than boys. Maternal health is crucial for child survival – an undernourished mother is more likely to deliver an infant with low birth weight, significantly increasing its risk of dying. In developing countries, rural women and men play different roles in guaranteeing food security for their households and communities. While men grow mainly field crops, women are usually responsible for growing and preparing most of the food consumed in the home and raising small livestock, which provides protein. Rural women also carry out most home food processing, which ensures a diverse diet, minimizes losses and provides marketable products. Women are more likely to spend their incomes on food and children’s needs – research has shown that a child’s chances of survival increase by 20% when the mother controls the household budget. Women, therefore, play a decisive role in food security, dietary diversity and children’s health. But gender inequalities in control of livelihood assets lim it women’s food production. In Ghana, studies found that insecure access to land led women farmers to practice shorter fallow periods than men, which reduced their yields, income and the availability of food for the household. In sub -Saharan Africa, diseas es such as HIV/AIDS force women to assume greater caretaking roles, leaving them less time to grow and prepare food. Women’s access to education is also a determining factor in levels of nutrition and child health. Studies from Africa show that children o f mothers who have spent five years in primary education are 40% more likely to live beyond the age of five. Having an adequate supply of food does not automatically translate into adequate levels of nut rition. In many societies, women and girls eat the food remaining after the male family members have eaten. Women, girls, the sick and disabled are the main victims of this “food discrimination ,” which results in chronic undernutrition and ill- health. Figure 5.27 Women farmers at work in their vegetable plots near Kullu town, Himachal Pradesh, India. Previously the area was a major producer of high -value apples, but rising temperatures in the last few decades have forced almost all apple producers there to aban don their crop. For these farmers, switching to vegetable production has resulted in a major boost in incomes and livelihoods, illustrating that climate change adaptation can be effective and highly profitable. by Neil Palmer (Wikimedia, CC BY SA) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 139 A phenomenon found in many regions and countries today is the trend towards the so – called “feminization of agriculture,” or the growing dominance of women in agricultural production and the conc urrent decrease of men in the sector. This trend makes it more imperative than ever to take action to enhance women’s ability to carry out their tasks in agricultural production and their other contributions to food security. This development goes hand in hand with the increasing number of female – headed households around the world. A major cause of both these developments is male -out migration from rural areas to towns and cities in their countries or abroad and the abandonment of farming by men for more lucrative occupations. In Africa, where women have traditionally p erformed the majority of work in food production, agriculture is becoming increasingly a predominantly female sector. Economic policies favoring the development of industry, and the neglect of the agricultural sector, particularly domestic food production, have led to an exodus of rural people to the urban or mining areas, to seek income -earning opportunities in mines; large export -oriented commercial farms, fishing enterprises and other businesses. While there is still insufficient data to give exact figu res on women’s contributions to agricultural production everywhere in the world, collection of data is increasing. This data, together with field studies and gender analyses, make it possible to draw a number of conclusions about the extent and nature of w omen’s multiple roles in agricultural production and food security. If anything, women’s contributions to farming, forestry, and fishing may be underestimated , as many surveys and censuses count only paid labor. Women are increasingly active in both the cash and subsistence agricultural sectors and much of their work in producing food for the household and community consumption, as important as it is for food security, is not counted in statistics. 5.8 Population and Food Production Recall that English economist Thomas Malthus (1766-1834) proposed that the world rate of population growth was far outrunning the development of food supplies. Malthus proposed that human population was growing exponentially, while food production was growing linearly. Below is an example: Today – 1 person, 1 unit of food 25 years from now – 2 persons, two units of food 50 years from now – 4 persons, three units of food 75 years from now – 8 persons, four units of food 100 years from now – 16 persons, five units of food During Malthus’s time, only a few relatively wealthy countries had entered Stage 2 of the demographic transition model high population growth. He failed to anticipate that relatively poor countries would have the most rapid population growth because of a Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 140 medical revolution. Many social scientists and even environmentalists are strong supporters of Malthus’s hypothesis of the coming global food shortage and are taking it several steps further. Human population growth and consumption may be outstripping a wid e variety of the earth’s natural resources, not just food production. Billions of people may soon be engaged in a search for food, water, energy, and resources. These days, technology is allowing us to convert food into a fuel called ethanol. In the United States, large amounts of corn are being used to create biofuel as a way to remove ourselves from our addiction to oil. This has caused global corn prices to rise dramatically. Wars and civil violence will increase in coming years because of scarcities. Others discredit Malthus because his hypothesis is based on the world supply of resources being fixed rather than f lexible and expanding. Technology may enable societies to be more efficient with scarce resources or allow for the use of new resources that were once not feasible. Some believe population growth isn’t a bad thing either. A large population could stimulate economic growth and, therefore, the production of food. Marxists believe that there is no direct connection between human population growth and economic development within a n area. Social constructs of hunger and poverty are the result of unjust social and economic power structures through globalization, rather than because of human population growth. So even with a global community of 7 billion, food production has grown faster than the global rate of natural increase. Better growing techniques, higher -yielding and genetically modified seeds, and better cultivation of more land have helped expand food supplies globally. However, many have noted that food production has started to slow and level off. Without new technology breakthroughs in food production, food supply will not keep up with population growth. The third agricultural revolution , also known as the Green Revolution , has been in response to these fears of a Malthusian food crisis. The Green Revolution consists of improvements to agriculture br ought about by the application of modern scientific methods to the development of new crop varieties and agricultural inputs. The technologies of the Green Revolution first made their mark in the United States, but the term is most commonly used in reference to their extension to farmers in developing countries. Taking up Green Revolution technology involves adopting a whole package of inputs — improved seeds, new fertilizers, and new pesticides and herbicides, all of which have been designed to wo rk together. The improved seeds were created through selective breeding and hybridization. The fertilizers and pesticides are composed of artificial Figure 5.28 The Malthusian catastrophe simplistically illustrated by Malthus, (CC BY -SA) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 141 chemicals designed to provide just the nutrients that crops need and to target their main pests and weeds. The Green Revolution produced dramatic gains in crop productivity where it was implemented, in some cases d oubling or even tripling yields. Norman Borlaug — the agronomist who was the guiding force behind the Green Revolution and one of its most prominent spokespeople — was widely hailed as a hero who saved millions from starvation and won the Nobel Peace Prize. There are many critics of the Green Revolution. While acknowledging some of the gains in the total food supply, these critics argue that the Gre en Revolution has several critical shortcomings. The health critiques raise concerns about whether Green Revolution crops are safe to eat. This concern is particularly salient with respect to genetically modified organisms (GMOs). While tests have genera lly shown GMOs to be safe to eat, critics worry that modified organisms could trigger adverse reactions in people, for example , if a person with a peanut allergy ate corn that had a peanut gene spliced into it. There is also concern that work on improving crops has focused on boosting the size and appearance of fruits, kernels, etc , at the expense of making them less nutritious. Finally, health m ay be impacted by the growing style of Green Revolution crops. The Green Revolution aggressively suppresses any organism in the field that could compete with the main crop. But for many poor farmers, “weeds” are an important supplementary source of food. I t is ironic that adding vitamin A to rice through genetic modification is proposed as a solution when the vitamin A deficiencies that it will fix were caused in part by a loss of leafy green “weeds” to Green Revolution herbicides. Environmental critiques raise questions about whether Green Revolution agriculture is good for the wider environment. There are several ways in which the environment could be affected. First, successful use of Green Revolution technology often requires increased use of water. Thi s can deplete water supplies in dry areas (and lead to demands for environmentally -disruptive dams to increase the water supply). Pesticides, herbicides, and fertilizers frequently run off the farm into streams, with negative effects on downstream ecosystems. Green Revolution farming can also in some cases pollute and deplete the soil, meaning that the gains in productivity will not be sustainable. There are also concerns about the heavy use of pesticides and Figure 5.29 GMO crops in US 1996 -2016 by USDA (Public Domain) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 142 herbicides leading to the evolution of chemical -resistant super-bugs and super- weeds. Green Revolution farms can further exacerbate the problems of mono -cropping, converting large areas to farms with very low biodiversity and thus increasing susceptibility to disasters (weather -related, pest infestations, etc .). In the case of GMOs, a major worry is that modified genes will spread beyond the field. Wind and insects can carry plant pollen into neighboring non-GMO fields and non -farm areas. If the plants that receive the pollen cross -breed with the GMOs, the modified gene may become established off-farm, with potentially serious ecological consequences depending on the nature of the gene. Social critiques center on the economic system that farmers become a part of when they adopt Green Revolution technolog y. Traditional agriculture was largely self – contained. Farmers produced their inputs by saving seeds from previous harvests to plant next year, by collecting their own natural fertilizers, and by using their own household labor to till the fields. But the improved seeds and the package of chemical inputs that make up the Green Revolution can’t be produced on the local farm. They have to be mass -produced by large agribusiness companies and then sold to farmers. Fa rmers th en become dependent on companies like Monsanto to buy their inputs and sell their products. The contracts that farmers sign with these companies often put small farmers at a disadvantage. Depending on the arrangements made by the farmers, they may then become highly dependent on the international agricultural market — meaning that global shifts in prices for both inputs and farm products can determine their ability to make ends meet. An emerging trend in agriculture, which is in some ways opposed to but in other ways parallel to the Green Revolution, is the rise of organic agriculture . Organic agriculture i s agriculture that avoids the use of “artificial” chemical inputs and genetically modified crops. The organics movement originated as an attempt to avoid the problems arising from the Green Revolution by creating a farming system that works in harmony with the land. This original vision of organic agriculture is reflected , for example, in community supported agriculture programs, which usually practice organic farming. In community supported agriculture, customers buy a “share” or subscription at the beginn ing of the growing season, then receive a portion of whatever produce the farm manages to grow. This system is meant to spread the risks of farming between Figure 5.30 Organic food section in a grocery store by evitaochel (Pixabay, Public Domain) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 143 farmers and consumers, create a closer bond between the farmer and consumer, and make organic agriculture more profitable. As the popularity of organic food has grown, organics have become big business. Major corporations now coordinate the production of organic ingredients all over the world. Due to the diversity of techniques and differing demands of d ifferent crops, there remains much controversy over how well organic farming achieves its goals of reducing its ecological footprint and improving consumer nutrition. 5.9 Environmental Impact of Agriculture No one argues with the understanding that agriculture, and increasingly aquaculture, are essential to supplying our food to sustain the world’s population. Farming is also the world’s largest industry, employing over one billion people and generating over one trillion d ollars’ worth of food annually. An d it’s the largest driver of habitat and biodiversity loss around the world. Agricultural ecosystems provide important habitats for many wild plant and animal species. This is especially the case for traditional farming areas that cultivate diverse species. However, rising demand for food and other agricultural products has seen the large -scale clearing of natural habitats to make room for intensive monocultures. Recent examples include the conversion of lowland rainforests in Indonesia to oil palm plantations, and of large areas of the Amazon rainforest and Brazilian savanna to soybean and cattle farms. This ongoing habitat loss threatens entire ecosystems as well as many speci es. Expanding palm oil plantations in Indonesia and Malaysia, for example, pose the most significant threats to endangered megafauna including Asian elephant, Sumatran rhinoceros, and tigers. Aquaculture is also in direct competition with natural marine and freshwater habitats for space. For example, marine fish farms often need the shelter of bays and estuaries to avoid Figure 5.31 Inshore marine farming systems in shallow sheltered water, as depicted here, can have problems with was te collectin g on the sea floor by George Pararas – Carayannis (Wikimedia, CC -BY) Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 144 damage from storms and currents. In addition , farmed fish need good water quality, frequent water exchange, and other optimal environment al conditions. But these locations are also very often ideal for wild fish and other marine life. Some European fish farms have been placed in the migratory routes of wild salmon, while in Asia and Latin America, mangrove forests have been cleared to make space for shrimp farms. On top of habitat loss due to clearing, unsustainable agricultural practices are seeing 12 million hectares of land lost each year to desertification . Desertification is land degradation in arid, semi -arid and dry sub -humid areas resulting from climatic variations and human activities. Desertification is potentially the most threatening ecosystem change impacting livelihoods of the poor. Persistent reduction of ecosystem services as a result of desertification links land degradatio n in drylands to loss of human well -being. When natural vegetation is cleared, and when farmland is plo wed , the exposed topsoil is often blown away by the wind or washed away by rain. Erosion due to soy production, for example, results in Brazil losing 55 million tons of topsoil every year. This leads to reduced soil fertility and degraded land. Other major crops that cause soil erosion include coffee, cassava, cotton, corn, palm oil, rice, sorghum, tea, tobacco, and wheat. Water resources are also impac ted by modern agriculture. Globally, the agricultural sector consumes about 70% of the planet’s accessible freshwater and many big food producing countries like the US, China, India, Pakistan, Australia and Spain have reached, or are close to reaching, the ir renewable water resource limits. The main causes of wasteful and unsustainable water use are: • leaky irrigation systems • wasteful field application methods • cultivation of thirsty crops not suited to the environment. Unsustainable water use can harm the environment by changing the water table and depleting ground water supplies. Studies have also found that excessive irrigation can increase soil salinity and wash pollutants and sediment into rivers – causing damage to freshwater ecosystems and species as well as those further downstream, including coral reefs and coastal fish breeding grounds. Soil carried off in rain or irrigation water can lead to sedimentation of rivers, lakes and coastal areas. The problem is exace rbated if there is no vegetation left along the banks of rivers and other watercourses to hold the soil. Sedimentation causes serious damage to freshwater and marine habitats, as well as the local communities that depend on these habitats. For example, people living in Xingu Indigenous Park in Brazil report declines in fish numbers. This trend is attributed to changes in the courses of waterways resulting from farming -related erosion and the silt deposition Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 145 this causes. In Central America, plantation soil run -off ends up in the sea, where it affects the Meso -American Reef. It’s not just the eroded soil that is damaging: pesticides and fertilizers carried in rainwater , and irrigation runoff can pollute waterways and harm wildlife. The use of pesticides, fertilizers , and other agrochemicals has increased enormously since the 1 950s. For example, the amount of pesticide sprayed on fields has increased 26 -fold over the past 50 years. These chemicals don’t just stay i n the fields they are applied to . Some application methods – such as pesticide spraying by airplane – lead to pollu tion of adjacent land, rivers or wetlands. Pesticides often don’t just kill the target pest. Beneficial insects in and around the fields can be poisoned or killed, as can other animals eating poisoned insects. Pesticides can also kill soil microorganisms. In addition , some pesticides are suspected of disrupting the hormone messaging systems of wildlife and people, and many can remain in the environment for generations. Unlike pesticides, fertilizers are not directly toxic. However, their presence in fresh water and marine areas alters the nutrient system, and in consequence the species composition of specific ecosystems. Their most dramatic effect is eutrophication – resulting in an explosive growth of algae due to excess nutrients. This depletes the water of dissolved oxygen, which in turn can kill fish and other aquatic life. Food production is one of the primary causes of biodiversity loss through habitat degradation, overexploitation of species such as overfishing, pollution and soil loss Even though it s environmental impacts are immense, the current food system is expected to expand rapidly to keep up with projected increases in population, wealth and animal -protein consumption. Figure 5.32 Coffee intercropped with tomato in Darién, Colombia by Neil Palmer (Wikimedia, CC – BY -SA) Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Learn examples of boundaries, borders, and barriers around the world that exhibit the organization of the earth’s surface as identified through political geography. Human Geography Agriculture, Food Product ion and Rural Land Use 146 Reflection Questions: 1.In what ways did agriculture evolve along with industrialization? 2. What is the origin of agriculture and is it a line ar evolution of hunting and gathering civilizations? 3. What push factors lead to the intensification of agriculture and the domestication of animals? 4. Describe the different types of agriculture. 5. Explain the different concentric rings of the von Thünen model. Key AP Terms Hearths of agriculture Extensive agriculture Models of rural land use Crop domestication Intensive agriculture Agribusiness Animal domestication Settlement patterns Economic globalization Diffusion of agriculture Land survey systems Cultural globalization Biotechnology Sustainability Food supply Agricultural regions Global food supply Production capacity Commercial agriculture Women in agriculture Subsistence agriculture Developing world Practice FRQ In 1798 Thomas Robert Malthus published An Essay on the Principle of Population in which he argued that population growth will inevitably outpace food production, resulting in widespread famine. A. Identify and explain TWO reasons why some geographers today believe Malthus’ the ory can be used to predict future population issues. B. Identify and explain TWO reasons why some geographers today believe Malthus’ theory cannot be used to predict future population issues. The restructuring of agriculture in the late twentieth century has had important implications for rural land use and the distribution of poultry (chicken and turkey) production in the United States as agribusiness has become increasingly more dominant. A. List TWO factors that have increased the demand for poultry. B. Briefly describe TWO characteristics of the present economic organization of poultry production in the United States. C. Describe TWO features of the present geographic distribution of poultry production in the United States (as opposed to the past). Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 147 THE SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURE MOVEMENT A growing movement has emerged during the past two decades to question the role of the agricultural establishment in promoting practices that contribute to these problems. Advocates argue that not only does sustainable agriculture address many environmental and social concerns, but it offers innovative and economically viable opportunities for growers, laborers, consumers, policymakers and many others in the entire food system. The “food system” extends far b eyond the farm and involves the interaction of individuals and institutions with contrasting and often competing goals including farmers, researchers, input suppliers, farmworkers, unions, farm advisors, processors, retailers, consumers, and policymakers. Relationships among these actors shift over time as new technologies spawn economic , social and political changes. Food and agricultural policy . New federal, state and local government policies are needed to simultaneously promote environmental health, economic profitability, and social and economic equity. For example, commodity and price support programs could be restructured to allow farmers t o realize the full benefits of the productivity gains made possible through alternative practices. Tax and credit policies could be modified to encourage a diverse and decentralized system of family farms rather than corporate concentration and absentee ow nership. Government and land grant university research policies could be modified to emphasize the development of sustainable alternatives. Marketing orders and cosmetic standards could be amended to encourage reduced pesticide use. Land use . Conversion of agricultural land to urban uses is a particular concern, as rapid growth and escalating land values threaten farming on prime soils . At the same time, the close proximity of newly developed residential areas to farms is increasing the public demand for e nvironmentally safe farming practices. Comprehensive new policies to protect prime soils and regulate development are needed, particularly in California’s Central Valley. By helping farmers to adopt practices that reduce chemical use and conserve scarce re sources, sustainable agriculture research and education can play a key role in building public support for agricultural land preservation. Educating land use planners and decision – makers about sustainable agricu lture is an important priority. Rural Communi ty Development. Rural communities are often among the poorest locations in the nation. The reasons for the decline are complex, but changes in farm structure have played a significant role. Sustainable agriculture presents an opportunity to rethink the imp ortance of family farms and rural communities. Economic development policies are needed that encourage more diversified agricultural production on family farms as a foundation for healthy economies in rural communities. In combination with other strategies , sustainable agriculture practices and policies can help foster community institutions that meet employment, educational, health, cultural and spiritual needs. Consumers and the Food System . Consumers can play a critical role in creating a sustainable foo d system. Through their purchases, they send strong messages to producers, retailers and others in the system about what they think is important. Food cost and nutritional quality have always influenced consumer choices. The challenge now is to find strate gies that broaden consumer perspectives, so that environmental quality, resource use, and social equity issues are also considered in shopping decisions. Source: UC Sustainable Agriculture Research and Education Program, University of California, Davis, C A -is -sustainable -agriculture Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 148 CH 5 Notes Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 149 CH 5 Notes Human Geography Agriculture, Food Production and Rural Land Use 150 CH 5 Notes Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 151 Chapter 6 Industrialization and Economic Development AP Enduring Understandings • The Industrial Revolution, as it diffused from its hearth, facilitated improvements in standards of living • Measures of development are used to understand patterns of social and economic differences at a variety of scales • Development is a process that varies across space and time • Sustainable development is a strategy to address resource depletion and environmental degradation Inquiry Questions Where did the Industrial Revolution begin and how did it diffuse? How have the character and geography of industrial production changed? How have service industries altered global economic activity? How is development defined and measured? How does geographical situation affect development? What are the barriers to and the costs of economic de velopment? How do political and economic institutions influence uneven development? 6.1 The Industrial Revolution The Industrial Revolution began in England, which was by 1750 one of the wealthiest nations in the world and controlled an empire that covere d one -quarter of the world’s land mass. It started with England’s textile industry, which was struggling to produce goods cheaper and faster for growing consumer markets. Making cloth, by hand, for pants, shirts, socks, bedspreads and other domestic items had always required lots of skill and time. As the population grew in England, more people needed textile goods (Figure 6.1 ). I n the late 18th century, a series of innovations created by savvy businessmen and factory workers solved many of the difficulties in textile production. As the scale of production grew, the factory emerged as a centralized l ocation where wage laborers could work on machines and raw material provided by capitalist entrepreneurs. And cotton led the way. In the 1700s, cotton textiles had many production advantages over other types of cloth. The first textile factory in Great Bri tain was actually for making silk, b ut since only wealthy people could afford the product, production remained very low. Cotton, on the other hand, was far less expensive. It was also stronger and more easily colored and washed than Figure 6.1 Lace: Its Origin and History ( Public Domain, 43) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 152 wool or linen. By the late 18th century, steam power was adapted to power factory machinery, sparking an even bigger surge in the size, speed, and productivity of industrial machines. Heavy industries like ironworking were also revolutionized by new ideas , and new transp ortation technologies were developed to move products fu rther and faster. Growing businesses soon outstripped the financial abilities of individuals and their families, leading to legal reforms that allowed corporations to own and operate businesses. There were several factors which allowed England to lead the Industrial Revolution. Scholars may disagree which was the most important. H owever, they agree that the confluence – a coming together – of many factors gave England an enormous commercial and techn ological head start over the rest of the world. Nineteenth -century industrialization was closely associated with the rapid growth of European cities during the same period. Cities grew because of the influx of people desiring to take advantage of the factory jobs available in urban areas. Urbanization extended industrialization as factories were built to take advantage of urban Figure 6.2 Spread of Industrial Revolution in Europe by RPBOT (i.mgur CC -BY) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 153 workforces and markets (Figure 6.2 ). In dustrialization changed the relationship that existed between cities and their surrounding rural areas. In preindustrial times, cities consumed foodstuffs produced in rural areas but produced little that rural areas needed in return. As a result, some hist orians describe preindustrial cities as “economically parasitic.” Following the Industrial Revolution, cities became important centers of production and were able to offer a wide variety of manufactured goods to the rural areas, becoming vital centers of p roduction as well as consumption. Europe experienced the development of the major cities of its realm during this period. In England, for example, in 1800 only 9 percent of the population lived in urban areas. By 1900, some 62 percent were urban dwellers. Factors Leading to the Industrial Revolution in England Agricultural Revolution  increased food production to support an increa sing population Population Growth  more people from the countryside being freed up to work for wages in the new cities  increase demand for textile products Financial Innovations 9 such as central banks, stock markets, and joint stock companies — encouraged people, especially in Northern Europe, to take risks with investments, trade, and new technologies Enlightenment and the Scientific Revolution  encouraged scholars and craftspeople to apply new scientific thinking to mechanical and technological challenges Navigable Rivers and Canals 9 quickened the pace and cheapened the cost of transportation of raw materials and finished p roducts Coal 9 plentiful in England and Western Europe 9 used in enormous quantities as a source of power – particularly for the steam -powered machinery in textile factories and locomotives Iron Ore  when Englishman Henry Cort created a way to make iron cheaper and stronger, England no longer needed to import iron ore from other countries  essential to the development of new machines in factories and transportation Government Policies  legal reforms th at allowed corporations to own and operate businesses  patent laws allowed inventors to benefit financially from the “intellectual property” of their inventions  expanded the Navy to protect global trade  granting monopolies – exclusive rights – to companies who agreed to explore the world and find resources While industrialization alone cannot account for the rapid growth of the European population during the nineteenth century (this growth was underway before industrialization), it is believed to have been responsible for changing patterns of population density on the continent. Between 1750 and 1914, nations that were most industrialized (England, Belgium, France, Germany) also acquired the highest population densities. This correlation reflects not only t he rapid urbanization of these Human Geography Industrialization and Econom ic Development 154 countries but also the high population densities of their urban areas and the improved standards of living associated with industrializing economies. W orking in new industrial cities influenced people’s lives outside of the factories as well. As workers migrated from the country to the city, their lives and the lives of their families were utterly and permanently transformed . For many skilled workers, the quality of life decreased a great deal in the first 60 years of the In dustrial Revolution. Skilled weavers, for example, lived well in pre -industrial society as a kind of middle class. They tended their own gardens, worked on textiles in their homes or small shops and raised farm animals. They were their own bosses. But, aft er the Industrial Revolution, the living conditions for skilled weavers significantly deteriorated. They could no longer live at their own pace or supplement their income with gardening, spinning, or communal harvesting. In the first sixty years or so of the Industrial Revolution, working-class people had little time or opportunity for rec reation. Workers spent all the light of day at work and came home with little energy, space, or light to play sports or games. The new industrial pace and factory system were at odds with the old traditional festivals which dotted the village holiday calen dar. Plus, local governments actively sought to ban traditional festivals in the cities. In the new working -class neighborhoods, people did not share the same traditional sense of a village community. Owners fined workers who left their jobs to return to t heir villages for festivals because they interrupted the efficien t flow of work at the factories. After the 1850s, however, recreation improved along with the rise of an emerging the middle class. Music halls sprouted up in big cities. Sports such as r ugby , cricket and football became popular ( Figure 6.3 ). C ities had become the places with opportunities for sport and entertainment that they are today . There was a basic trade -off in the Industrial Revolution for the working -class. Material standards of living were in some ways improving more material goods were produced , so they were available at lower costs, and factories provided a variety of employment opportunities not previously available. At the same time, working Figure 6.3 Football became a professional sport in 1885. By the end of the 19th century (Wikimedia, Public Domain) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 155 conditions were often horrible , and the pay was bad, and it was often difficult for unskilled workers to move to higher skill levels and escape the working class. The traditional protections of the medieval and early modern eras, such as guilds and mandated wage -and-price standa rds, were disappearing. Gradually, very gradually, middle class, or “middling sort ,” did emerge in industrial cities, mostly toward the end of the 19th century. Until then, there had been only two major classes in society: aristocrats born into their live s of wealth and privilege, and low -income commoners born in the working classes. However new urban industries gradually required more of what we call today “white collar” jobs, such as business people, shopkeepers, bank clerks, insurance agents, merchants, accountants, managers, doctors, lawyers, and teachers. One piece of evidence of this emerging middle class was the rise of retail shops in England that increased fr om 300 in 1875 to 2,600 by 1890. Another mark of distinction of the middle class was their ability to hire servants to cook and clean the house from time to time. Not surprisingly, from 1851 to 1871, the number of domestic servants increased from 900,000 to 1.4 million. This small but rising middle class prided themselves on taking responsibilit y for themselves and their families. They viewed professional success as the result of a person’s energy, perseverance, and hard work. In this new middle class, families became a sanctuary from stressful industrial life. The h ome remained sep arate from work and took on the role of emotional support, where women of the house created a moral and spiritual safe harbor away from the rough -and-tumble industrial world outside. Most middle -class adult women were discouraged from working outside the home. They could afford to send their children to school. As children became more of an economic burden, and better health care decreased infant mortality, middle -class women gave birth to fewer children (Figure 6 .4 ). Figure 6.4 Increase in the populations of industrialized and developi ng world nations from 1800 to 2000 (Data source: Data from Population Reference Bureau, Washington, DC 1900 Developing world Industrialized nations ) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 156 Ironically, life in the middle class still had its downside. Stuck in a new position in the middle of society, the new middle class were hostile both to the aristocracy and to the lower classes. They were angered by their political exclusion from power in a system that still favored aristocrats they felt they had the wealth and education to deserve a political voice. They also had contempt for the lower classes, particularly the growing mass of urban poor. In their lifestyles and political positions, they tried to separate themselves from this uneducated and politically powerless herd, with whom they had less and less culturally in common (and who often worked for them in their factories). By the early tw entieth century a dditional countries, usually culturally associated with Europe, began to industrialize, including Russia, Japan, other nations in Eastern and Southern Europe, Australia, and New Zealand. Britain and the other previously industrialized coun tries became highly urbanized. The last craft industries, such as shoemaking and glassmaking, became industrialized. The most developed countries, such as the United States, mass -produced consumer goods—such as dishwashers, furniture, and even houses —for the growing middle classes. The service sector grew and matured with jobs for teachers, waiters, accountants, lawyers, police, and clerks. Key inventions included the assembly line, the automobile, and the airplane. Western countries and businesses typicall y controlled world trade and took direct or indirect control of key industries in less developed countries, enriching themselves in the process. The Industrial Revolution, an era that began in England at the end of the 18th century, has yet to end. Since the 1950s the so -called “Asian Tigers” (Hong Kong, Figure 6.5 Colin Clark’s sector model of an economy undergo ing technological change. In later stages, the Quaternary sector of the economy grows. ( By Kwnd, Public Domain, ) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 157 Singapore, Taiwan, South Korea) rapidly industrialized by taking advantage of their educated and cheap labor to export inexpensive manufactured goods to the West. Other countries in Asia and the Americas—such as China, India, Brazil, Chile, and Argentina —began to develop key economic sectors for export in the global economy. The world moved gradually toward global free trade. Western countries in Europe and North America turned incre asingly to service and high technology economies as manufacturing moved to the cheap labor markets of developing countries. The key new inventions of this phase were the computer and the Internet. This era is now referred to as the “Post-Industrial age”- since the most developed countries focus on service jobs rather than manufacturing – or the “Information Age.” With only a few exceptions, the poorest nations have not become wealthy in the fiercely competitive global market. There is an increasing wealth g ap between more developed and less developed countries in the world. 6.2 Explaining the Industrial Landscape Have you ever wondered why Detroit became the “Motor City,” known for automobile man ufacturing in the United States? Why Pittsburg is known for steel production, and why Hollywood became the entertainment capital of the world? In the early years of the twentieth century, when cars were assembled by hand, and when many of their components were made of wood, automobile ma nufacturers were located in many different places. One brand of car was made in San Francisco, another was made in Massachusetts, and yet another was made in Indiana. By the end of World War I, Detroit was becoming the center of automobile production in Am erica. In the early days of silent films, Flagstaff, Arizona was the site for the production of several movies, because many of the early films were about life in the West. Within a few years, however, the film industry had abandoned Flagstaff in favor of the Los Angeles Basin of California. In colonial times, the steel production center of North America was in Massachusetts. During the last half of the 19th century, Pittsburg, Pennsylvania replaced Massachusetts as the steel center of America. Why did thes e changes take place? Of course, there are many variables that determine whether an industry will prosper, however, location is one of the most important. Over the years, geographers have focused on several basic industrial location theories to explain why businesses and industries are located in particular locations and predict which locations help a business succeed. Von Thünen made the first efforts to identify the factors that account for the locations of industries. His ideas gave rise to the Figure 6.6 1894 Duryea gasoline car (By Unknown – “The Growth of the Automobile Industry in America”, The Outing Magazine, volume 51, page 212. From the Google Books archive: original from the University of California, digitized January 25, 2008., Public Domain, =8138752 Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 158 subsequent work of German geographers such as William Lanyard and Alfred Weber who were instrumental in the development of Least Cost Theory. Alfred Weber’s first major work on industrial location theory was published in 1909 in where he predicted that industries would locate based on the places that would be the lowest cost to them . He took for granted that i ndustries are naturally competitive and aim to minimize their costs and maximize their profits. Much like Von Thünen, Weber did not try to explain actual r eal-world locations, but instead concentrated on identifying those factors that influence all industrial -location patterns. According to Weber, three main factors influence industrial location: transport costs, labor costs and agglomeration economies. 1) Weber felt that transportation was the strongest factor in determining the location and that i ndustries wanting to locate where transportation costs are minimized must consider two issues: the distance of transportation to the market and the weight of the goods being transported . Regardless of the method (ship, rail, truck, air), transportation cost is determined by the weight of the goods being shipped and the distance they are being shipped . The heavier the good s and the farther the distance, th e more expensive it is to ship. In one scenario, the weight of the final product is less than the weight of the raw material going into making the product —the weight losing industry . For example, in the copper industry, it would be very expensive to haul raw materials to the market for processing, so manufacturing occurs near the raw materials. Besid es mining, other primary activities (or extractive industries) are considered material oriented: timber mills, furniture manufacture, most agricultural activities, etc. Often located in rural areas, these businesses may employ most of the local population. As they leave, the locale area loses its economic base. Figure 6.7 Weber Least Cost Theory Locational Triangle (reproduced by author from original image by Vikas Sutar) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 159 In the other, the final product is equally as heavy as the raw materials that require transport. Usually, this is a case of some ubiquitous raw material, such as water, being incorporated into the p roduct. This is called the weight -gaining industry . This type of industry tends to build up near a market or raw material source and is sometimes called foot -loose industry ( Figure 6.7 ). In some industries, like heavy chemical industry, the weight of the raw material is less than the weight of finished product. These industries always grow up near a market. 2) Because labor costs vary from place to place, and because these differing labor costs are the product of variances in wage rates and worker efficiencies, Weber thought of labor as a distortion of the basic transportation pattern that was driven by transportation costs (Figure 6.8 ). Accordingly, after finding the best location relative to transportation costs, he considered the ways in which labor costs influenced the location of factories and plants. To do this, he plotted the spatial variances of transportation costs to create a tr ansport cost surface. He then contrasted regional labor costs with regional the pattern of transportation costs. Weber noted that as transportation systems became more efficient, and hence less expensive to use, labor costs came to more heavily influence industrial locations. He also found that industries dominantly affected by labor costs tend to concentrate in a few places. Therefore, lower transportation costs tend to intensify the natural tendency of like industries to agglomerate in one location. 3) Weber also employed a classification system based on local and regional factors. Local factors included the influences of agglomeration and deglomeration . Similar businesses normally gain an advantage when the cluster or agglomerate (centralize) in a spec ific location. Deglomeration is the tendency of industries to decentralize or disperse from a given location when rent becomes too expensive and impacts profits ( Figure 6.9 ). Weber argued that there are two major ways in which firms benefit from agglomeration. In the first place, it could bring about the enlargement of a factory, thereby leading to greater economies of scale. Additionally, agglomeration allows similar industrie s to benefit from being near one another. This is because they can share specialized facilities, services , and equipment. In his analyses, Weber Figure 6.8 Weber’s labor distortion adjustment for Least Cost Theory (reproduced by author from original image by Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 160 considered only “pure” or “technical” agglomeration. He did not examine the impacts of “accidental” agglomeration (concentrations that occur for other than reasons associated with spatial economics). In Weber’s basic industrial location model, there is only one specific market location, and one of the assu mptions of this model is that all transactions take place on this site. Moreover, Weber assumed that there would be no limit to the quantity of the product that would be purchased at the specified price (in other words, in Weber’s model, the price of a goo d did not affect demand. Of course, Weber knew this did not reflect real -world conditions, but he made these assumptions in order to simplify the model. Other scholars, however, were convinced that, in making this assumption, Weber greatly limited the accu racy of his model. After all, demand is not confined to one single site but is instead scattered unevenly throughout a region. Moreover, it is seldom true that buyers are confined to only one retail merchant. Instead, they normally have a number of choices and, if all else is equal, they will choose the closest establishment from which to make a purchase. Even so, better prices and services may Figure 6.10 Global skilled labor shortages 2014 (OECD CC -BY-ND) Figure 6.9 Visualizing agglomeration concepts (reproduced by author from original image by ) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 161 offset the costs of distance. This is in keeping with the common advertisement slogan of automobile dealers located outside the boundaries of a city, “ drive a little, save a lot!” During the last years of the 20th century, developments in transportation diminished the relevance of Weber’s theory. In the first place, freight rates have increased at a faster rate than hav ing the costs of raw materials, but relative transportation costs are declining. This means that the impacts of transportation costs on industrial location and market analysis are relatively less important than they were at the beginning of the 20th century when Weber first articulated his theory. Third, natural resour ces are now less important because smaller, lighter and smarter products have replaced the heavier products of the past. In particular, plastics and lighter materials made from soybeans, petroleum, and other fibers have replaced the use of steel and wood. As a result, furniture and appliances are lighter (and sometimes stronger). Even automobiles now use a great deal of plastic and other fibrous materials as a substitute for steel. It is far less costly to move petroleum through pipelines, or to ship plasti cs than it is to ship wood, iron ore, and steel. Currently, labor tends to be the most important determinant of industrial location. This is particularly true for firms that produce expensive, high-tech goods. For most of these firms, transportation costs are of minor importance. In part, this is because high -tech goods are usually relatively light and small. This is nothing new, however. Long ago, the Swiss figured out that as a land -locked mountainous nation, they could not competitively ship their dairy products to foreign markets. Therefore, they processed liquid milk into far less bulky cheese and chocolate. They also realized that anything they manufactured should have a high value relative to its bulk and weight. Thus, instead of making automobiles or steam trains, they made timepieces . Even the Figure 6.11 World Industry Export Map by Simran Kholsa (CIA Factbook, CC -BY) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 162 Dutch, with access to excellent ports and water transportation, realized the bene fits of shipping high- value, low-bulk products. Thus, they processed diamonds and focused on flower bulbs, cheese, and chocolate. In recent years, firms have developed many new and innovative ways in which to avoid transportation costs. For example, soft d rink manufacturers do not ship full bottles of their products all over the world. Instead, they ship containers of syrup to local bottling plants where water is added to the syrup. 6.3 Core -Periphery Spatial Relationships One key to understanding industrialization from a geographer’s perspective is thinking about core -periphery spatial relationships at both a local and global scale. On a local scale, there is generally a core area, sometimes known as the central business district and a hinterland, a German term literally meani ng “the land behind” ( Figure 6 .12). The hinterland is more sparsely populated than the core and is often where goods that sold in the core are manufactured . It might include rural farmland, for example. The core, on the other hand, is the commercial focus for the area where most goods and services are exchanged . The hinterland relies on the central city to sell its goods, but similarly , the city relies on the hinterland to produce raw materials. Consider where the hinterland is located around your closest city; the hinterland is characteristically rural, while the core is urban. The ci ty of Walla Walla in southeastern Washington is a good example of this. Walla Walla has a population of about thirty thousand people and is the only significant town in its county. Walla Walla, with a prestigious college, a community college, the state pri son, a regional hospital and retail services, serves as a core hub for the surrounding periphery. The hinterland of Walla Walla has an agricultural economy based on the production of onions, wine grapes, asparagus , and ranching are typical of a peripheral region. The city of Walla Walla has the political, economic, and educational power that serves the people of its local area. Globally, we can apply the hinterland -city model to an understanding of a global core and a global periphery. The core areas are p laces of dominance, and these areas exert control over the surrounding periphery. Core areas are typically more developed and Figure 6.12 The Core and the Hinterland (Courtesy of Caitlin Finlayson, Creative Commons) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 163 industrialized whereas the periphery is more rural and generally less developed. Unlike the interactions between the city and the hinterland, the economic exchange between the core and periphery is characteristically one -sided, creating wealth for the core and patterns of uneven development (Figure 6.13). Brain drain also happens on an international level – that is, students from periphery countries might go to college in core countries, such as the United States or countries in Europe. Many international college graduates do not return to their poorer countries of origin but instead choose to stay in the core country because of the employment opportunities. This is especially true in the medical field. There is little political power in the periphery; centers of political power are almost always located in the core areas or at least dominated by the core cities. The core areas pull in people, skills, and wealth from the periphery. Lack of opportunities in the periphery pushes people to relocate to the core. However, these interactions do sometimes contribute to economic stability in the periphery. Some argue that it benefits the core countries to keep the periphery peripheral; in other words, if the periphery can remain underdeveloped, they are more likely to sell cheap goods to the core. This generates more wealth for core areas and contributes to their continued influence and economic strength The periphery countries and the core Figure 6.13 Global core -periphery relations based on data from the International Monetary Fund 2008 (Wikimedia, Lou Coban – Public Domain, ) Before the 13th century, many empires were “core” nations, such as the Persian, Indian, and Roman empires, the Muslim Caliphates, the Chinese and Egyptian dynasties, the various Mesopotamian kingdom. For more information on core- periphery nations throughout history check out: Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 164 countries each have unique characteristics. Peripheral locations are providers of raw materials and agricultural products. In the periphery, more people earn their living in occupations related to securing resources: farming, mining, or harvesting forest products. For the workers in these occupations, the profits tend to be marginal with fewer opportunities to advance. In the perip hery, there is a condition known as brain drain, which describes a loss of educated or professional individuals. Young people leave the peripheral areas for the cities to earn an education or to find more advantageous employment. Few of these individuals s hare their knowledge or success with their former community. 6.4 The Economics of Geography It is easier to understand why people move from rural to urban, from the periphery to core, from Mexico to the United States when one begins to understand the glob al economy. Economic conditions are connected to how countries gain national income, opportunities, and advantages. One way of gaining wealth is simply by taking someone else’s wealth. This method has been common practice throughout human history: a group of armed individuals attacks another group and takes their possessions or resources. This is regularly practiced through warfare. Unfortunately, this pillage -and-plunder type of activity has been a standard way of gaining wealth throughout human history. The taking of resources by force or by war is frowned upon today by the global economic community, though it still occurs. The art of piracy, for example, is still practiced on the high seas in various places around the globe, particularly off the coast of Somalia ( Figure 6.14 ). The main methods cou ntries use to gain national income are based on sustainable national income models and value -added principles. The traditional three areas of agriculture, extraction/mining, and manufacturing are a result of primary and secondary economic activities. Natur al resources, agriculture, and manufacturing have been traditionally targeted as the means to gain national income. Postindustrial Figure 6.14 Modern -day pirates in Somalia (Wikimedia, Public Domain) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 165 activities in the service sector, including tertiary , quaternary and quinary economic activities, have exploded in the past seventy -five or so years ( Figure 6.15). Services constitute over 50 percent of income to citizens in low -income nations. The service economy is also key to growth, for instance, it accounted for 47 percent of economic growth in sub -Saharan Africa over the period 2000– 2005; industry contributed 37 percent and agric ulture 16 percent in the same period. This means that recent economic growth in Africa relies as much on services as on natural resources or textiles, despite many of those countries benefiting from trade preferences in primary and secondary goods. As a result, emp loyment is also adjusting to the changes , and people are leaving the agricultural sector to find work in the service economy. This job creation is particularly useful as often it provides employment for low -skilled labor in the tourism and retail sectors, thus benefiting the poor and representing an overall net increase in employment. Places around the world have sometimes been named after the methods used to gain wealth. For example, the Gold Coast of western Africa received its label because of the abundance of gold in the region. The term breadbasket often refers to a region with abundant agricultural surpluses. Another example is the Champagne region of France, which has become synonymous with the beverage made from the grapes grown there. The Banana R epublic earned their name because their large fruit plantations were the main income source for the large corporations that operated them. Places such as Copper Canyon and Silver City are examples of towns, cities, or regions named after the natural resources found there. Primary Sector • Raw Materials •Agriculture • Mining • Fishing • Forestry Secondary Sector • Maufacturing •Cloth from cotton • Sugar from Sugarcane • Aluminum from bauxite • Canned tuna • Paper from wood Tertiary Sector • Consumer •Dress shop • Ice cream parlor • Restaurant • Book store Quaternary Sector • Business/Producer Services • Insurance • Banking • Advertising • Transportation • News Services Quinary Sector • Government/Public Services •Education • Research • Toursim • Recreation • Health and Human Service Figure 6.15 Five Sectors of the Economy Figure 6.16 British stamp advertising the colonial status of the African “Gold Coast” (By Royal Mail (UK) – scan of original, Public Domain, ) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 166 The United States had its Manufacturing Belt, referring to the region from Boston to St. Louis, which was the core industrial region that generated wealth through heavy manufacturing for the greater part of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. What sectors of the economy does each of these examples refer to? Countries with few opportunities to gain wealth to support their governments often borrow money to provide services for their people. National debt is a major problem for national governments. National income can be consolidated into the hands of a minorit y of the population at the top of the socioeconomic strata. These social elites have the ability to dominate the politics of their countries or regions. The elites may hold most of a country’s wealth, while at the same time their government might not alway s have enough revenues to pay for public services. To pay for public services , the government might need to borrow money, which then increases that country’s national debt. The government could have a high national debt even when the country is home to man y wealthy citizens or a growing economy. Taxes are a standard method for governments to collect revenue. If economic conditions decline, the amount of taxes collected can also decline, which could leave the government with a shortfall. Again, the governmen t might borrow money to continue operating and to provide the same level of services. Political corruption and the mismanagement of funds can also cause a country’s government to lack revenues to pay for the services it needs to provide its citizens. The National debt , defined as the total amount of money a government owes, is a growing concern across the globe. Many governments have problems paying their national debt or even the interest on their national debt. Governments whose debt has surpassed their ability to pay have often inflated their currency to increase the amount of money in circulation, a practice that can lead to hyperinflation and eventually the collapse of the government’s currency, which could have serious negative effects on the country’s economy. In contrast to the national debt, the term budget deficit refers to the annual cycle of accounting of a government’s excess spending over the amount of revenues it takes enduring a given fiscal year. Figure 6.17 2009 Zimbabwe $100 trillion banknote by Marianian (Wikimedia, CC -BY) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 167 6.5 The Geography of Economics The Industrial Revolution, which prompted the shift in population from rural to urban, also encouraged market economies, which have evolved into modern consumer societies. Various theories and models have been developed over the years to help explain these changes. For example, in 1929, the American demographer Warren Thompson developed the demographic transition model (DTM) to explain population growth based on an interpretation of demographic history (see Chapter 2). In the 1960s, economist Walt Rostow adapted Warren Thompson’s demographic transition model to outline a pattern of economic developmen t that has become one model for growth in a global economy. Rostow’s model (Figure 6.18) outlined the five stages of growth in the economic modernization of a country: The human development index (HDI) was developed in 1990 and is used by the United Nations Development Program to measure a standard of human development, which refers to the widening opportunities available to individuals for education, health care, Figure 6.18 Rostow’s Rural to Urban Shift (github, CC -BY) Stage 1: Traditional society Stage 2: Preconditions for take- off Stage 3: Take- off Stage 4: Drive to maturity Stage 5: Age of high mass consumption Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Analyze development sta tistics and see how development correlates with other APHG topics (for example, fertility and mortality). Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 168 income, and employment. The HDI incorporates variables such as standards of living, literacy rate, and life expectancy to indicate a measure of well -being or the quality of life for a specific country ( Figure 6.19). The human development approach, developed by the economist Mahbub Ul Haq, is anchored in the Nobel laureate Amartya Sen’s work on human capabilities, often framed regarding whether people can “be” and “do” desirabl e things in life. Examples include: Beings: well fed, sheltered, healthy Doings: work, education, voting, participating in community life. Freedom of choice is central to the approach: someone choosing to be hungry (during a religious fast say) is quite different to someone who is hungry because they cannot afford to buy food. Ideas on the links between economic growth and development during the second half of the 20th Century also had a formative influence. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and economic growth emerged as leading indicators of national progress in many countries, yet GDP was never intended to be used as a measure of wellbeing. In the 1970s and 80s development debate considered using alternative focuses to go beyond GDP, including putting grea ter emphasis on employment, followed by redistribution with growth, and then whether people had their basic needs met. These ideas helped pave the way for the human development (both the approach and its measurement). One of the more important achievements of th e human development approach has been to ensure a growing acceptance of the fact that monetary measures, such as GD P per capita, are inadequate representations of development. This measure of human development remains a simple unweighted average of a nation’s longevity, education and income and is widely accepted in development discourse. Over the years, however, some modifications and refinements have been made to the index. Indeed, the critics of the HDI and their concerns have stimulated – and continue to stimulate – adjustments to the index and the development of companion indices which help paint a broader picture of global human development. The HDI emphasizes that people and their capabilities should be the Figure 6.19 Concept map of HDI (United Nations Development Program, Public Domain) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 169 ultimate criteria for assessing the development of a country, not economic growth alone. The HDI can also be used to question national policy choices, asking how two countries with the same level of GNI per capita can end up with different human development outcomes. These contrasts can stimulate debate about government policy priorities. Jobs can be classified into three major types of sectors, which greatly influence the economics, standards of living, trade, and even social classes within a society. The first is called the p rimary sector, which are jobs directly related to the extraction of the Earth’s natural resources (e.g. forestry, raw materials, or agriculture). In the secondary sector, jobs are focused on manufacturing raw materials from the primary sector to usable pro ducts. The tertiary sector provides goods and services to people in exchange for payment. These types of jobs include lawyers, doctors, educators, banking, retail, athletes, and others (Figure 6.21). It’s probably apparent that the majority of the jobs in more developed countries (MDCs) are tertiary. There are primary and Figure 6.20 2015 Human Development Report Data (United Nations Development Program, Public Domain) Figure 6.21 What 7.3 Billion People do f or “Work” in 2015 (UN Human Development Report, Public Domain) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 170 secondary sector jobs in countries like the United States, but the driving economic force is in the tertiary sector. MDCs are also more productive than LDCs, not because they work harder, but because of access and use of technology. In economics, productivity is the value of a product compared to the amount of labor. MDCs also have the ability to inve st more money and resources because of their economies . Thus their people tend to be more educated and healthier; children are more likely to survive, and adults tend to live longer than those in LDCs. Probably the two most important or basic components to have a nation’s developmental status begin to rise is through education and health care. There is a direct correlation to development and education. The more developed a nation, the more educated the population. In fact, one of the best indicators of a nation’s level of development is its literacy rate, the percent of people who can read or write. In the most developed countries , the literacy rate is usually around 98percent, whereas in the least developed countries the literacy rate is around 60 percent ( Figure 6 .22). The impact of this is that books are written for people in MDCs, and scientific advances tend to occur in these countries. Regarding percentage, least developed countries spend more of their GDP on education than most developed countries need to. In LDCs, the children going to school often have outdated books and not written in their primary language. Often in LDCs, more schools are private than public because the government lacks the ability to fund them. Many of these schools are funded by outside religious groups and nonprofit organizations. Access to health care mirrors literacy statistics globally. However, geographers always want to look at this issues from a different s cale to understand if the patterns at a global scale hold true at a regional or national scale. Figure 6.23 is a good example of a geographer peeling back those layers of data. According to the 2009 Figure 6.22 Literacy rates – focus on coun tries G -M by alpha (UNESCA Data, Public Domain) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Dev elopment 171 Census, counties outlined in orange had no doctor’s office. Clark County, Mississippi, for example, had a population of over 17,000 but no doctor’s office, while Manhattan had a doctor’s office for every 500 residents. Other measures of development can be utilized to help geographers understand patterns of social and economic differences at a variety of scales. For example, looking at Gross Domestic Income (GDI) per capita gives a global view of the economic status of nations. North America, Norther Europe, Australia, and Japan have relatively strong econom ies and tend to be political world leaders. Interestingly, Saudi Arabia has a high GDI but is surrounded by countries with weaker economies. What confluence of factors might account for this phenomenon? At this scale, a geographer might think that a country like Spain, with a strong GDI, also has a healthy economy. However, Sp ain has struggled to recover from the worldwide recession of 2008 and continues to have large pockets of the population who Figure 6.24 Gross Domestic Income per capita 2015 (United Nations Human Development Program, Public Domain) Figure 6.23 Access to basic health care is inadequate in many parts of the U.S. (2009 US Census, ESRI Data, CC -BY) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 172 are chronically unemployed. In Figure 6.25 the same can be seen to a lesser extent in parts of France and Southern Italy. Compare that with urban and rural land areas in Western Europe (Figure 6.26). At this regional level , we can make some conclusions about the location of the unemployed which create other questions that can be answered from a geographical spatial perspective, such as:  Are unemployed people who are living in cities also in poverty?  What kinds of education levels exist among people in those areas?  What kinds of social services, if any, are needed in t hose areas? As you can see, this type of questioning can help us understand different patterns of social and economic development, as well as influence public policy. 6.6 Changing Roles of Women in Economic Development In the world of work there continue to be pronounced imbalances across genders, reflecting local values, social traditions, and historical gender roles. Unpaid care work includes housework, such as preparing meals for the family, cleaning the house and gathering water and fuel, as well as w ork caring for children, older people and family members who are sick —over both the short and long term. Across most countries in all regions, women work more than men. Women are estimated to contribute 52 percent of global work, men 48 percent. Of the 59 percent of work that is paid, mostly outside the home, men’s share is nearly twice that of women —38 percent versus 21 percent. The picture is reversed for unpaid work, mostly within the home and encompassing a range of care responsibilities: of the 41 percent of work that is unpaid, women perform three times more than men —31 percent versus 10 percent. Hence the imbalance —men dominate the world of paid Figure 6.25 Distribution of Unemployment in Western Europe, 2014 (eurostat, Publi c Domain) Figure 6.26 Urban – Rural Land Use in Western Europe, 2014 2014 (eurostat, Public Domain) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 173 work, women that of unpaid work. Unpaid work in the home is indispensable to the functioning of society and human well-being: yet when it falls primarily to women, it limits their choices and opportunities for other activ ities that could be more fulfilling to them. Occupational segregation has been pervasive over time and across levels of economic prosperity —in both advanced and developing countries men are over – represented in crafts, trades, plant and machine operations, and managerial and legislative occ upations; and women in mid -skill occupations such as clerks, service workers , and shop and sales workers. Even when doing similar work, women can earn less —with the wage gaps generally greatest for the highest paid professionals. Globally, women earn 24 p ercent less than men. In Latin America , top female managers earn on average only 53 percent of top male managers’ salaries. Across most regions women are also more like ly to be in “vulnerable employment”—working for themselves or others in informal context s where earnings are fragile , and protections and social security are minimal or absent. As a method to measure development progress around the world, the United Nations has created the Millennium Development Goals. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) are the world’s time -bound and quantified targets for addressing extreme poverty in its many dimensions -income poverty, hunger, disease, lack of adequate shelter, and exclusion while promoting gender equality, education, and environmental sustainability. They are also basic human rights -the rights of each person on the planet to health, education, shelter, and security. To measure Goal 3 – G ender equity and empowered women – the United Nations uses a Gender Inequality Index (GII). The index uses a variet y of methods to determine the inequality of females compared to males including labor, reproductive health, and empowerment. The higher the number that a region receives demonstrates the greater the inequality in that region. Some nations have severe gender inequalities, meaning that women have nearly no legal, social, or economic rights even when they are head of their household. Many argue that if the world focused on gender equality of females, most of our social, economic, and environmental problems would be greatly minimized. Many societies are experiencing a generational shift, particularly in the educated Figure 6.27 UN Millennium Development Goals (Public Domain) Human Geography Industrialization an d Economic Development 174 middle-class house holds, towards grea ter sharing of care work between men and women. Legislation and targeted policies can increase women’s access to paid work. Access to quality higher education in all fields and proactive recruitment efforts can reduce barriers, particu larly in fields where women are either underrep resented or where wage gaps persist. Policies can also remove barriers to women’s advancement in the workplace. Measures such as those related to workplace harassment and equal pay, mandatory parental UNICEF WORKS TO IMPR OVE CONDITIONS FOR W OMEN WORLD-WIDE Getting girls into quality school environments helping them stay there . Some 121 million children are not in school, most of them girls. Girls with at least six years of school education are more likely to be able to protect themselves from HIV/AIDS and other diseases. Educated mothers immunize their children 50 per cent more often than mothe rs who are not educated, and their children have a 40 per cent higher survival rate. Moreover, mothers who have had some education are more than twice as likely to send their own children to school as are mothers with no education. Helping women and girls avoid HIV/AIDS. In some countries in sub-Saharan Africa, HIV prevalence among teenage girls is five times higher than among teenage boys. The danger of infection is highest among the poorest and least powerful, particularly children who live among violenc e, suffer sexual exploitation or have been orphaned by HIV/AIDS. Improving maternal health . UNICEF efforts in girls’ education give a boost to this area as well. If a girl is educated six years or more, as an adult her prenatal care, postnatal care and ch ildbirth survival rates will dramatically and consistently improve. Giving girls a good start in early childhood . A child’s earliest years are critical. Because of entrenched gender bias in many regions, young girls fare less well than boys in many aspect s of early childhood, including receiving a worse diet and health care. In fact, there are an estimated 60 -100 million fewer women alive today than there would be in a world without gender discrimination and without social norms that favor sons. Promoting child protection . The UN Millennium Declaration stressed protection of the vulnerable, and for good reason: 71 percent of trafficking victims are women and girls; one -third of whom are young children. They are abducted from their homes and schools and recr uited into armed conflicts, exploited sexually, or trafficked and forced to work in abominable conditions. Many are victims of violence in the home, they aren’t allowed to attend school, or are forced into early marriage. Increasing access to water and sanitation. Out of 100 people in developing countries, 17 will not have safe drinking water (43 in sub – Saharan Africa) and 42 will not have adequate sanitation facilities. For families without, the burden of finding and hauling safe water usually falls to girls, which often means they aren’t able to attend school. Too often, too, they are prevented from attending school .html Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 175 leave, equitable opportunities to expand knowledge and exper tise and measures to eliminate the attrition of human capital and expertise can help improve women’s outcomes at work. Paid parental leave is crucial. More equal and encouraged parental leave can help ensure high rates of female labor force participation, wage gap reductions and better work –life balance for women and men. Many countries now off er parental leave to be split between mothers and fathers. 6.7 International Trade and Globalization – or – Why Do Nations Trade? Before we begin a discussion about why nations trade, it would be helpful to take a moment to consider the character and evo lution of trade. It is important to keep in mind, first, that although we frequently talk about trade “between nations,” the great majority of international transactions today take place between private individuals and private enterprises based in differen t countries. Governments sometimes sell things to each other, or to individuals or corporations in other countries, but these comprise only a small percentage of world trade. Trade is not a modern invention. International trade today is not qualitatively different from the exchange of goods and services that people have been conducting for thousands of years. Before the widespread adoption of currency, people exchanged goods and some services through bartering —trading a certain quantity of one good or serv ice for another good or service with the same estimated value. With the emergence of money, the exchange of goods and services became more efficient. Developments in transportation and communication revolutionized economic Figure 6.19 Countries with paid maternal leave – 2015 (World Policy Center, CC -BY) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 176 exchange, not only increasing its volume but also widening its geographical range. As trade expanded in geographic scope, diversity, and quantity, the channels of trade also became more complex. The earliest transactions were conducted by individuals in face – to -face encounters. Many domestic transactions, and some international ones, still follow that pattern. But over time, the producers and the buyers of goods and services became more remote from each other. A wide variety of market actors –individuals and firms –emerged to play supporti ve roles in commercial transactions. These “middlemen” –wholesalers, providers of transportation services, providers of market information, and others –facilitate transactions that would be too complex, distant, time -consuming, or large for individuals to co nduct face-to-face in an efficient manner. International trade today differs from economic exchange conducted centuries ago in its speed, volume, geographic reach, complexity, and diversity. However, it has been going on for centuries, and its fundamental character– the exchange of goods and services for other goods and services or money –remains unchanged. That brings us to the question of why nations trade. Nations clearly trade a lot, but it is not quite as obvious why they do so. Put differently, why do private individuals and firms take the trouble of conducting business with people who live far away, speak different languages, and operate under different legal and economic systems, when they can trade with fellow citizens without having to overcome any of those obstacles? It seems ob vious that if one country is better at producing one good and another country is better at producing a different good (assuming both countries demand both Figure 6.28 World oceanic shipping lanes ( By B.S. Halpern (T. Hengl; D. Groll) / Wikimedia Commons, CC BY -SA 3.0, 18755723) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 177 goods) that they should trade. What happens if one country is better at producing both goods? Should the two countries still trade? This question brings into play the theory of comparative advantage and opportunity costs. The everyday choices that we make are, without exception, made at the expense of pursuing one or several other choices. When you decid e what to wear, what to eat for dinner, or what to do on Saturday night, you are making a choice that denies you the opportunity to explore other options. The same holds true for individuals or companies producing goods and services. In economic terms, the amount of the good or service that is sacrificed to produce another good or service is known as opportunity cost. For example, suppose Switzerland can pro duce either one pound of cheese or two pounds of chocolate in an hour. If it chooses to produce a pound of cheese in a given hour, it forgoes the opportunity to produce two pounds of chocolate. The two pounds of chocolate, therefore, are the opportunity co st of producing the pound of cheese. They sacrificed two pounds of chocolate to make one pound of cheese. A country is said to have a comparative advantage in whichever good has the lowest opportunity cost. That is, it has a comparative advant age in whichever good it sacrifices the least to produce. In the example above, Switzerland has a comparative advantage in the production of chocolate. By spending one hour producing two pounds of chocolate, it gives up producing one pound of cheese, whereas, if it spends that hour producing cheese, it gives up two pounds of chocolate. Thus, the good in which a comparative advantage is held is the good that the country produces most efficiently (for Switzerland, its chocolate). Therefore, if given a choice betwee n producing two goods (or services), a country will make the most efficient use of its resources by producing the good with the lowest opportunity cost, the good for which it holds the comparative advantage. The country can trade with other countries to ge t the goods it did not produce (Switzerland can buy cheese from someone else). The concepts of opportunity cost and comparative advantage are tricky and best studied by example: consider a world in which only two countries exist (Italy and China) and onl y two goods exist (shirts and bicycles). The Chinese are very efficient in producing both goods. They can produce a shirt in one hour and a bicycle in two hours. The Italians, on the other hand, are not very productive at manufacturing either good. It take s three hours to produce one shirt and five hours to produce one bicycle. The Chinese have a comparative advantage in shirt manufacturing, as they have the lowest opportunity cost (1/2 bicycle) in that good. Likewise, the Italians have a comparative advan tage in bicycle manufacturing as they have the lowest opportunity cost (5/3 shirts) in that good. It follows, then, that the Chinese should specialize in the production of shirts and the Italians should specialize in the production of bicycles, as these ar e the goods that both are most efficient at producing. The two countries should then trade their surplus products for goods that they cannot produce as efficiently. Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 178 A comparative advantage not only affects the production decisions of trading nations, but it also affects the prices of the goods involved. After the trade , the world market price (the price an international consumer must pay to purchase a good) of both goods will fall between the opportunity costs of both countries. For example, the world pric e of a bicycle will be between 5/3 shirt and two shirts, thereby decreasing the price the Italians pay for a shirt while allowing the Italians to profit. The Chinese will pay less for a bicycle and the Italians less for a shirt than they would pay if the two countries were manufacturing both goods for themselves. China Italy Shirts Bicycles Shirts Bicycles Number of Hours to Produce One Unit 1 2 3 5 Opportunity Cost (of producing one unit) ½ bicycle 2 shirts 3/5 bicycle 5/3 shirts In reality, of course, trade specialization does not work precisely the way the theory of comparative advantage might suggest, for a number of reasons: • No country specializes exclusively in the production and export of a single product or service. • All countries produ ce at least some goods and services that other countries can produce more efficiently. • A lower income country might, in theory, be able to produce a particular product more efficiently than the United States can but still not be able to identify American buyers or transport the item cheaply to the United States. As a result, U.S. firms continue to manufacture the product. Generally, countries with a relative abundance of low -skilled labor will tend to specialize in the production and export of items for wh ich low-skilled labor is the predominant cost component. Countries with a relative abundance of capital will tend to specialize in the production and export of items for which capital is the predominant component of cost. Many American citizens do not ful ly support specialization and trade. They contend Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 179 that imports inevitably replace domestically produced goods and services, thereby threatening the jobs of those involved in their production. Imports can indeed undermine the employment of domestic worker s. We will return to this subject a little later. From what you have just read, you can see that imports supply products that are either 1) unavailable in the domestic economy or 2) that domestic enterprises and workers would be better off not making so th at they can focus on the specialization of another good or service. Finally, international trade brings several other benefits to the average consumer. Competition from imports can enhance the efficiency and quality of domestically produced goods and serv ices. In addition , competition from imports has historically tended to restrain increases in domestic prices.  Name a product/business where labor would be the comparative advantage for a developing country .  Name a product/business where capital would be t he comparative advantage for a rich country.  Name a product/business where natural resources would be a comparative advantage . 6.8 Global Interdependence The tremendous growth of international trade over the past several decades has been both a primary cau se and effect of globalization. The volume of world trade increased twenty -seven-fold from $296 billion in 1950 to $8 trillion in 2005. Although international trade experienced a contraction of 12.2 percent in 2009 —the steepest decline since World War II —trade is again on the upswing. As a result of international trade, consumers around the world enjoy a broader selection of products than they would if they only had access to domestically made products. Also, in response to the ever -growing flow of goods, services and capital, a whole host of U.S. government agencies and international institutions have been established to help manage these rapidly developing trends. Although increased international trade has spurred tremendous economic growth across the gl obe—raising incomes, creating jobs, reducing prices, and increasing workers’ earning power—trade can also bring about economic, political, and social disruption. Since the global economy is so interconnected, when large economies suffer recessions, the effects are felt around the world. One of the hallmark characteristics of the global economy is the concept of interdependence . When trade decreases, jobs , and businesses are lost. In the same way that globalization can be a boon for international trade; it can also have devastating effects. Activities such as the choice of clothes you Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 180 buy have a direct impact on the lives of people working in the nations that produce There are several elements that are responsible for the expansion of the global economy during the past several decades: new information technologies, reduction of transportation costs, the formation of economic blocs such as the North American Free Trade Association (NAFTA), and the reforms implemented by states and financial organizations in the 1980s aimed at liberalizing the world economy. Trade liberalization , or deregulation, has become a ‘hot button’ issue in world affairs. Many countries have seen great prosperity th anks to the disintegration of trade regulations that had otherwise been considered a harbinger of free trade in the rece nt past. The controversy surrounding the issue, however, stems from enormous inequality and social injustices that sometimes comes with reducing trade regulations in the name of a bustling global economy. Given the dislocations and controversies, some people question the importance of efforts to liberalize trade and wonder whether the economic benefits are outweighed by other unquantifiable negative factors such as labor exploitation. With globalization, competition occurs between nations having different standards for worker pay, health insurance, and l abor regulations. Corporations benefit from lower Figure 6.29 Where did the United States export to in 2014? (The Atlas of Economic Complexity, ) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 181 labor costs found in developing regions, thanks to free-trade agreements and a new international division of labor . A worker in a high-wage country is thus increasingly struggling in the face of competition from workers in low -wage countries. Entire sectors of employment in developed countries are now subject to this growing international competition, and unemployment has crippled many localities. The outcome has been an international division of labor in all sectors of the economy. In particular, manufacturing is increasingly being contracted out to lower – cost locations, which are often found in developing countries with no minimum wage an d few environmental regulations. A good example of international division of labor can be found in the clothes -making industry. What was once a staple industry in most developed Western economies has now been relocated to developing countries in Central America, Eastern Europe, North Africa, Asia, and elsewher e. Thinking Spatially -How does global interdependence affect people and places? Read the following two perspectives on economic globalization and consider the questions:  Are large retailers in the United States and Europe exploiting workers who are paid low wages in some developing regions?  What evidence is provided about the pros and cons of economic globalization? Sweat, fire and ethics by Bob Jeffcott New Internationalist Magazine, Issue 399 ( , CC BY -NC -ND ) At the Maquila Solidarity Network, we get phone calls and emails almost every day of the week from people wanting to know where they can buy clothes that are Fairtrade -certified or sweatshop- free. Alternative retail outlets even contact us to ask whether we have a list of ‘ sweat free’ manufacturers. So, what are we to tell them? Unfortunately, there are no easy answers. First, there’s the cotton used to make the clothes. If you live in Canada, you may soon be able to buy a T -shirt at your local Cotton Ginny store that is both organic and Fairtrade Cotton certified. If you live in Britain, you can already purchase T -shirts and other apparel products bearing the Fairtrade Cotton label, not only through alternative fairtrade companies, but also at your local Marks & Spencer shop. This all to the good, isn’t it? Growing organic cotton is better for the environment, and farmers are no longer exposed to dangerous chemicals. Fairtrade certified cotton Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 182 goes a step further – a better price and a social dividend to small farmers in the global South. But what happens when cotton goes downstream? What does the Fairtrade Cotton label tell us about the working lives of the young women and men who spin the cotton into yarn in China, or those who cut the cloth and sew the T -shirt in a Bangladeshi factory before it’s shipped to my local Cotton Ginny store in Toronto? Unfortunately, very little. The Fairtrade Cotton certification is about the conditions under which the cotton was grown, not how the T -shirt was sewn . To use the Fairtrade Cotto n label, a company does have to provide evidence that factory conditions downstream from the cotton farms are being monitored by a third party ; but the kind of factory audits currently being carried out by commercial social – auditing firms are notoriously unreliable. In other words, my organic, Fairtrade Cotton certified T -shirt could have been sewn in a sweatshop by a 15-year -old girl who’s forced to work up to 18 hours a day for poverty wages under dangerous working conditions. So, what’s a consumer to do? Well, maybe we could start by admitting the limitations of ethical shopping. Isn’t it a little presumptuous of us to think that we can end sweatshop abuses by just changing our individual buying habits? After all, such abuses are endemic to the garment in dustry and almost as old as the rag trade itself. The term ‘sweatshop’ was coined in the United States in the late 1800s to describe the harsh discipline and inhuman treatment employed by factory managers, often in subcontract facilities, to sweat as much profit from their workers’ labour as was humanly possible. Sweatshop became a household word at the beginning of the 20th century when the tragic death of over a hundred garment workers became headline news in the tabloid press across the US. On 25 March 1 911, a fire broke out on the ninth floor of the Asch Building in New York City, owned by the Triangle Shirtwaist Company. Unable to escape through the narrow aisles between crowded sewing machines and down the building’s only stairway, 146 young workers bu rned to death, suffocated, or leapt to their doom on to the pavement below. Firefighters and bystanders who tried to catch the young women and girls in safety nets were crushed against the pavement by the falling bodies. In the decades that followed, gover nment regulation and union organizing drives – particularly in the post -World War Two period – resulted in significant improvements in factory conditions. This period, in which many – but not all – garment workers in North America enjoyed stable, secure em ployment with relatively decent working conditions, was short -lived. Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 183 Globalization and free trade changed all that. To lower production costs, garment companies began to outsource the manufacture of their products to subcontract factories owned by Asian manufacturers in Hong Kong, Korea and Taiwan. Companies like Nike became ‘hollow manufacturers’ whose only business was designing fashionable sportswear and marketing their brands. Other retailers and discount chains followed Nike’s lead, outsourcing to offs hore factories. Competition heightened. Asian suppliers began to shift their production to even lower -wage countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa. A race to the bottom for the lowest wages and worst working conditions went into high gear. Today, count ries like Mexico and Thailand are facing massive worker layoffs because production costs are considered too high. While most production is shifting to China and India, other poor countries like Bangladesh attract orders due to bargain- basement labour costs . On 11 April 2005, at one o’clock in the morning, a nine -story building that housed the Spectrum Sweater and Shahriar Fabrics factories in Savar, Dhaka, Bangladesh, collapsed, killing 64 workers, injuring dozens and leaving hundreds unemployed. Just 16 ho urs before the building crumbled, workers complained that there were cracks in the structure’s supporting columns. Despite the lack of an adequate foundation and the apparent lack of building permits, five additional storeys had been added. To make matters worse , heavy machinery had been placed on the fourth and seventh floors. The Spectrum factory produced clothes for a number of major European retailers, all of whose monitoring programmes failed to identify the structural and health- and- safety problems. ‘Negligence was the cause of the 11 April tragedy,’ said Shirin Akhter, president of the Bangladeshi women workers’ organization, Karmojibi Nari. ‘This w as a killing, not an accident.’ In February and March 2006 there were four more factory disasters in Bangladesh, in which an estimated 88 young women and girls were killed and more than 250 were injured. Most of the victims died in factory fires, reminiscent of the Triangle Shirtwaist fire, in which factory exits were either locked or blocked. Twelve years ago, when we started the Maquila Solidarity Network, the word ‘sweatshop’ had fallen out of common usage. When we spoke to high school and university assemblies, students were shocked to learn that their favourite brand- name clothes were made by teenagers like themselves , forced to work up to 18 hours a day for poverty wages in unsafe workplaces. Students who had proudly worn the Nike swoosh wrote angry letters to Nike CEO Phil Knight declaring they would never again wear clothes made in Nike s weatshops. But Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 184 the big brands weren’t the only villains: the clothes of lesser -known companies were often made in the same factories or under even worse conditions. Twelve years later, the Nike swoosh and other well -known brands are badly tarnished, and the word ‘sweatshop’ no longer needs explaining to young consumers. Companies like Nike and Gap Inc. are publishing corporate social responsibility reports, acknowledging that serious abuses of worker rights are a persistent problem throughout their global s upply chain. Today some major brands have ‘company code of conduct compliance staff’ who answer abuse complaints almost immediately, promising to investigate the situation and report back on what they are willing to do to ‘remediate’ the problems. Yet, des pite such advances, not much really changes at the workplace. On the one hand, a little less child labor, fewer forced pregnancy tests or health- and-safety violations in the larger factories used by the major brands. But, on the other hand, poverty wages, long hours of forced overtime and mass firings of workers who try to organize for better wages and conditions remain the norm throughout the industry. Recent changes in global trade rules (the end of the import quota system) are once again speeding up the race to the bottom. The same companies pressuring suppliers to meet code -of -conduct standards are also demanding their products be made faster and cheaper threatening to shift orders to factories in other countries. Conflicting pressures make suppliers hide abuses or subcontract to sewing workshops and homeworkers. The name of the game remains the same: more work for less pay. Targeting the big- name brands is no longer a sufficient answer. Given how endemic sweatshop abuses are throughout the industry, sele ctive shopping isn’t the answer either. We need to start by remembering that we are not just consumers: we are also citizens of countries and of the world. We can lobby our school boards, municipal governments and universities to adopt ethical purchasing policies that require apparel suppliers to disclose factory locations and evidence that there are serious efforts to improve conditions. We can write letters to companies when workers’ rights are violated and in support of workers’ efforts to organize. And we can put pressure on our governments to adopt policies and regulations that make companies accountable when they fail to address flagrant and persistent violations of workers’ rights. We should worry a little less about our shopping decisions, and a bit more about what we can do to support the young women and girls who labor behind the labels that adorn our clothes and sports shoes. • Bob Jeffcott works with the Toronto -based Maquila So lidarity Network. Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 185 In Their Own Words: Stories from Garment Factory Workers in Bangladesh ( -stories/bangladesh -family -planning – factory-fatema -nupur.php , CC BY -NC -ND ) Inside the Versatile Apparel garment factory in the bustling capital city of Dhaka, Bangladesh, hundreds of sewing machines hum under the fluorescent lights. More than 1,400 women wo rk in this factory, part of Bangladesh’s $23 billion garment industry. Their average age is 26; most of them are married. Fatema Begum has worked here for five years. In addition to her regular duties, she now has a special role: She is a peer educator teaching other garment workers about family planning. It is part of a pioneering program from EngenderHealth to provide family planning services onsite at garment factories. Bangladesh’s garment industry employs some 4 million people; three -quarters of them a re women. The nature of the work —often long hours on factory premises — can make accessing health services a challenge. Regular government -run health clinics, for example, have limited business hours and long waiting lines. Most factory workers cannot afford to take a whole day off just to get contraception. EngenderHealth is filling the gap by bringing family planning information and services directly to the factory floor. Through a public- private partnership with the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA) —the trade body that represents garment manufacturers and exporters in the country —health clinics are being established right on the factory premises. EngenderHealth trains the providers and helps to identify and train the peer educators in participating factories. Fatema was chosen to be a peer educator because she has the trust and respect of her colleagues. Her own history gives her a keen understanding of how contraception— or the lack of it—can affect a woman’s life. She got married when she was 10, and had her first child, a son, at age 13. Six years later, she gave birth to a daughter. Now 29, Fatema has no desire to be pregnant again. “Two children are enough,” she laughs. Some of the female employees at Versatile Apparel wer e hesitant at first about discussing family planning in the workplace, especially in front of men. At the initial family planning orientation seminar, several young women were so embarrassed that they stood up and left. “It’s a cultural issue,” Fatema expl ains. “Women aren’t accustomed to talking about these things openly. But they want to avoid pregnancy, because having children can hamper their earnings.” The trainers and peer educators dispelled the awkwardness by treating contraception as a matter -of -fa ct health issue. Family planning is part of life, and health care is a Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 186 benefit for workers. “There’s no problem talking about it now,” Fatema says. “Workers are seeing this as a basic health need.” The clinic on the premises is staffed by a doctor and nurs e who are available every day during factory hours. Services are free for employees, and confidentiality is guaranteed. Workers who come to the clinic are counseled on a wide variety of family planning methods, including long- acting reversible contraception and permanent methods. Nupur, 24, is one of the workers who is taking advantage of the clinic’s services. She has two children, a 5 -year -old and a 9 -month- old, and she does not want any more. She used to take oral contraceptives, but now she gets the thr ee-month contraceptive injection at the factory clinic. She finds it much more convenient. Nupur considered other methods, like the hormonal implant, and she talked them over with her husband, but eventually she decided that the injection suited her best. “Everyone has been very supportive and respectful,” Nupur says. “This program is really good for us.” It is good for the factory owners too. From a business standpoint, the case for family planning is compelling. Workers who do not have access to contraception are more likely to get pregnant and need maternity leave (at full pay, per federal law); they are also more likely to experience ill health and complications. And if a worker chooses to leave her job entirely after giving birth, the factory has to hir e and train her replacement. Making family planning freely available results in a workforce that is healthier, more stable, and more productive. Fatema is proud to work at a factory where the focus is on workers’ health. And she is proud of her role as a peer educator and family planning champion. “I feel good about providing services that help the workers,” she says. “I’m contributing to the betterment of the community.” Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Identify characteristics used to determine a country’s level of development. Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 187 6.9 Transforming the Economic Landscape In nearly every corner of the world, from Mumbai to Madrid, one cannot enter a café or walk down the street without seeing someone talking, texting , or surfing the Internet on their cell phones, laptops or tablet PCs. Information Technol ogy (IT) has become ubiquitous and is changing every aspect of how people live their lives. IT is a driving factor in the process of globalization. Improvements in the early 1990s in computer hardware, software, and telecommunications greatly increased pe ople’s ability to access information and economic potential. These developments have facilitated efficiency gains in all sectors of the economy. IT drives the innovative use of resources to promote new products and ideas across nations and cultures, regard less of geographic location. Creating efficient and effective channels to exchange information, IT has been the catalyst for global integration. Globalization accelerates the change of technology. Every day it seems that a new technological innovation is being created . The pace of change occurs so rapidly many people are always playing catch up, trying to purchase or update their new devices. Technology is now the forefront of the modern world creating new jobs, innovations, and networking sites to allow individuals to connect globally (Figure 6.30). The First Industrial Revolution used water and steam power to mechanize production. The Second used electric power to create the mass production. The Third used electronics and information technology to automate production. Now a Fourth Figure 6.30 World map of 24 -hour relative average utilizati on of IPv4 addresses observed using ICMP ping requests. (By Author of Carna Botnet “Internet Census 2012” – view online image for animation) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Developme nt 188 Industrial Revolution is building on the Third, the digital revolution that has been occurring since the middle of the last century. It is characterized by a fusion of technologies that is blurring the lines between the physical, digital, and biolo gical spheres. Many argue that the Fourth Industrial Revolution has the potential to raise global income levels and improve the quality of life for populations around the world. To date, those who have gained the most from it have been consumers able to afford and access the digital world; technology has made possible new products and services that increase the efficiency and pleasure of our personal lives. Ordering a cab, booking a flight, buying a product, making a payment, listening to music, watching a film, or playing a game —any of these can now be done remotely. The digital economy permeates all aspects of society, including the way people interact, the economic landscape, the skills needed to get a good job, and even political decision -making. Our e merging digital economy has the potential to generate new scientific research and breakthroughs, fueling job opportunities, economic growth, and improving how people live their lives. These changes are happening all around us. In Kenya, mobile data is be ing used to identify malaria infection patterns and identify hotspots that guide government eradication efforts. Vehicle sensor data from delivery trucks, combined from mapping data analytics, has enabled companies to save millions of gallons of fuel and r educe emissions by the equivalent of taking thousands of cars off the road for a year. Farmers from Iowa to India are using data from seeds, satellites, and sensors to make better decisions about what to grow and how to adapt to changing climates. The wa ys in which people connect with others, with information, and with the world is being transformed through a combination of technologies. These technologies will help us solve increasingly sophisticated problems, while big data will assist us in complex dec ision -making. The sharing economy is a model in which people and organizations connect online to share goods and services. It is also known as collaborative consumption or peer -to-peer exchange. Two of the best -known examples of the sharing economy are U ber (transportation) and Airbnb (housing). The b lockchain is a digital “ledger” technology that allows for keeping track of transactions in a distributed and trusted fashion. It replaces the need for third -party institutions to provide trust for financial , contract, and voting activities. Bitcoin and other digital currencies are some of the most well -known examples of applications of block chain technology. In the future, technological innovation could lead to long -term gains in efficiency and productivit y. Transportation and communication costs are predicted to drop, with logistics and global supply chains becoming more effective, the cost of trade will Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 189 diminish, of which should open new markets and drive economic growth. At the same time, as the economists Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee have pointed out, the revolution could yield greater inequality, particularly in its potential to disrupt labor markets. As automation substitutes for labor across the entire economy, the net displacement of workers by machines might exacerbate the gap between returns on capital and returns to labor. We cannot foresee at this point which scenario is likely to emerge, and history suggests that the ou tcome is likely to be some combination of the two. In addition to being a key economic concern, inequality represents the greatest societal concern associated with the Fourth Industrial Revolution. The largest beneficiaries of innovation tend to be the p roviders of intellectual and physical capital —the innovators, shareholders, and investors —which explains the rising gap in wealth between those dependent on capital versus labor. Technology is , therefore, one of the main reasons why incomes have stagnated, or even decreased, for a majority of the population in high -income countries: the demand for highly skilled workers has increased while the demand for workers with less education and lower skills has decreased. The result is a job market with a strong demand at the high and low ends, but a hollowing out of the middle. It is also important to remember that development is not evenly distributed over time and space. There are still many people around the world who have not yet realized the benefits delivered by previous industrial revolutions. Around 1.2 billion people don’t have reliable access to energy. Another 2.3 billion don’t have clean water and sanitation. More than 4 billion don’t have access to the internet. Here, the Fourth Industrial Revolution could serve as a formidable accelerator of social and economic Figure 6.31 Sharing economy, also known as collaborative consumption, is a trending business concept that highlights the ability (and perhaps the preference) for individuals to rent or borrow goods/services rather than buy and own them. ( , CC-BY-NC -SA) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 190 inclusion, particularly for the developing world. Recently the World Economic Forum identified five innovations which have the potential to positively impact the lives of smallholder farmers : 1. Improved access to electricity to increase efficiency and reduce food loss Electricity is hardly a new innovation, but there are still many people – almost two -thirds of sub -Saharan Africa, for example – who lack access. Even where energy infrastructure exists, the cost can often be a barrier. Access to affordable, reliable and sustainable energy enables smallholders to improve efficiencies in land preparation, planting , irrigation and harvesting. It also allows them to use certain methods for storing, cooling and preserving goods. The ability of smallholder farmers to participate in global food systems depends on their access to electricity. 2. Increased internet conne ctivity to access information and knowledge to improve productivity on their farms For many of us, the internet is a fundamental part of everyday life. But over 4 billion people – more than 55% of the world’s population – remain unconnected to the web. The vast majority of smallholder farmers live in remote areas, where good, fast internet connectivity reaches less than 30% of the population. Women constitute almost half of the agricultural labor force in developing countries, yet they are less likely to access the internet than men in the same communities. If this “digital divide” were closed , smallholder farmers could access information and knowledge related to weather, rainfall or market demand, allowing them to grow and harvest food more efficiently. Timing has increasingly become a key source of competitiveness, and access to real -time information is crucial. To be truly transformational , internet access m ust be reliable, affordable and secure. 3. Mobile devices and platforms connect smallholder farmers to markets Connectivity is not only about access to information – it is also about access to services. For example, mobile banking can give smallholder farmers access to formal financial services such as banking and loans, which they all too often lack. Take the Figure 6.21 Access to electricity 2012 (The World Bank, CC -BY-SA) Human Geography Industrialization and Econ omic Development 191 example of Trringo: this smartphone app is being hailed as the Uber for tractors thanks to how it has disrupte d India’s farm equipment renting process. Investing in a mobile phone as an agricultural tool has perhaps become the single most strategic decision by a smallholder farmer, and we need to make sure we’re doing everything we can to facilitate such smart in vestments. 4. Unique identifiers improve data about farmers, for farmers Unique identifiers are commonly used in the developed world. When you log on to Amazon or Netflix, the site knows who you are and makes personalized recommendations based on what yo u have purchased or viewed before. But data about smallholder farmers in developing economies is largely based on samples and extrapolations and is thus unreliable or incomplete. With unique identifiers, businesses could offer tailored services, policy -makers could make more informed decisions, and knowledge institutions could make better assessments of farmers’ circumstances. For example, the eWallet system in Nigeria has allowed the government to identify and deliver input subsidies directly to farmers based on personal and biometric information provided by smallholder farmers. As with all innovations, this technology is not a silver bullet. For unique identifiers to improve farmers’ lives, data systems must be able to guarantee that data remains anonymo us for the privacy and security of individuals. 5. Geospatial analysis to help farmers make informed decisions Geospatial technologies can help both policy -makers , and individual farmers assess, monitor and plan the use of their natural resources. If sma llholder farmers had access to foundational technologies – like electricity, the internet , and mobile phones – then they too could use geospatial analysis to make decisions about the management of their farms and other assets. In this realm, FAO and Google are Figure 6.32 Mobile phone ownership by country 2012 by Tony Bates (Dayily Infographic, CC -BY-NC-SA) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 192 partnering to make geospatial tracking and mapping products more accessible. If geospatial technologies were easy to download and use, a smallholder in Colombia could discover the distance to the nearest river, or a farmer in Malawi could use sensors to more efficiently manage their farm. Some of the technologies we’ve discussed here are hardly new, so it might seem odd to see them on a list of innovations that could transform the lives of smallholders. But for these farmers, access and adoption of t echnology are not automatic. It is, therefore, our duty to ensure smallholder farmers are not left behind in the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Strong digital infrastructure is crucial for smallholders to access and create tools that empower them to make d ecisions about their farms and businesses. As innovation evolves, let’s continue to question how the benefits of technology are being shared and how these benefits can nurture the smallholder farmers who feed the world. Figure 6.33 When will the future arrive? (World Economic Forum, Public Domain) Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 193 Reflection Questions: 1.What was the impact of the industrial revolution? 2. What three main factors did Weber believe to influence industrial location? Whic h did he feel was the most significant? 3. How does the labor force of a country effect its industrial developments? 4. Describe the relationship between the hinterland and the city. 5. Identify the five sectors of the economy and the services they each provide. 6. What is the correlational relationship between rural and urban areas, and the 5 stages of economic modernization of a country? 7. What developments have we seen, over the past century, of women’s influence in economic development? 8. What are some possible benefit s/downfalls to Global interdependence? 9. How has the digital revolution characterized the past three decades of the economic landscape? 10. Identify and describe the five innovations which have potential to positively impact the lives of smallholder farmers as d iscovered by the World Economic Forum? Key AP Terms industrialization Human Development Index Global financial crisis economic development Weber’s Industrial Location model Newly industrialized countries (NICs) comparative advantage Time -space compression Imbalances in consumption patterns complementarity New international division of labor Women in the labor force Rostow’s stages of economic growth Growth in Asian economies Energy use Wallerstein’s world -systems theory Stagnation in African economies Resource conservation Core Economic inequality Pollution Periphery Human Development Index Time -space compression Semiperiphery Weber’s Industrial Location model GDP per capita Practice FRQ The high -tech centers of Silicon Valley in California and the Research Triangle in North Carolina developed in the past 40 years. Discuss the following three factors that contributed to the rise of such industrial regions. A. Investment capital B. Labor C. Government Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 194 CH 6 N otes Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 195 CH 6 N otes Human Geography Industrialization and Economic Development 196 CH 6 N otes Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 197 Chapter 7 Cities and Urban Land Use AP Enduring Understandings • The form, function and size of urban settlements are constantly changing. • Models help to understand the distribution and size of cities. • Models of internal city structure and urban development provide a framework for urban analysis. • Built landscapes and social space reflect the attitudes and values of a population. • Urban areas face economic, social, political, cultural and environmental challenges. Inquiry Questions When and why did people start living in cities? What role do cities play in globalization? Where are cities located and why? How are cities organized and how do they function? How do people shape cities? 7.1 What is a city? You are probably a city person whether you like it or not. Many people say they don’t like the city, with its noise, pollution, crowds and crime, but living outside the city has its challenges as well. Living outside a city is inconvenient because rural areas lack access to the numerous a menities found in cities. The clustering of activities within a small area is called agglomeration , and it reduces the friction of distance for thousands of daily activities. Cities are convenient places for people to live, work and play. Convenience has economic consequences as well. Reduced costs associated with transportation, and the ability to share costs for infrastructure creates what is known as economies of agglomeration , which is the fundamental reason for cities. The convenience and economic bene fits of city life have led nearly 8 in 10 Americans to live in urban areas. In California, America’s most urban state, almost 95% of its people live in a city. This chapter explores the evolution of cities, why cities are where they are, and how the geogra phy of cities affects the way urbanites live. Though it seems simple enough, distinguishing cities from rural areas is not always that easy. Countries around the world have generated a plethora of definitions based Figure 7.1 Chicago, IL. The “City of Broad Shoulders” gets its peculiar nickname from a poem extolling the vast array of industrial and agricultural pursuits made pro fitable by its special location by Allen McGregor (Wikimedia CC-BY) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 198 on a variety of urban characteristics. Part of the reason stems from the fact that defining what constitutes urban is somewhat arbitrary. Cities are also hard to define because they look and function quite differently in different parts of the world. Complicating matters are the great variety of terms we use to label a group of people living together. Hamlets are very small, rural communities. Villages are slightly larger. Towns are larger than villages. Cities are larger than towns. Then there are words like metropolis and even megalopolis to denote huge cities. Some states in the United States have legal definitions for these terms, but most do not. The US Census Bureau creates the only consistent definition of “city ,” and it uses the terms “rural” and “urban” to distinguish cities from no n-city regions. This definition has been updated several times since the 1800s, most radically in recent years as the power of GIS has allowed the geographers are working for the US Census Bureau to consider multiple factors simultaneously. It can get comp lex. For decades, the US Census recognized an area as “urban” if it had incorporated itself as a city or a town. Incorporation indicates that a group of residents successfully filed a town charter with their local state government, giving them the right to govern themselves within a specific space within the state. Until recently, the US Census Bureau classified almost any incorporated area with at least 2,500 people as “urban .” There were problems though with tha t simple definition. Some areas which had really quite large populations but were unincorporated , failed to meet the old definition or urban. For example, Honolulu, Hawaii , and Arlington, Virginia are not incorporated , therefore were technically labeled “c ensus designated places ,” rather than cities. Conversely, some incorporated areas may have very few people. This can happen when a city loses population, or when the boundaries of a city extend far beyond the populated core of the city. You may have witnes sed this as you are driving on a highway, and you see a sign indicating “City Limits ,” but houses, shops, factories and other indicators of urban life are absent yet for many miles. Jacksonville, Florida is the classic example of this problem. Jacksonville annexed so much territory that its city limits extend far into the adjacent countryside making it the largest city in land area in the United States (874.3 square miles!). Therefore, the Census Bureau created a complex set of criteria capable of evaluating a variety of conditions that define any location as urban or rural. Among the criteria now used by the Census is a minimum population density of 1,000 people per square mile, regardless of whether the location is incorporated or not. Additionally, territory that includes non- residential but still urban land uses is included . Therefore, areas with factories, businesses or a large airport, that contain few residences still counted Figure 7.2 Jacksonville, F L. Jacksonville’s city limits include all the area in the light tan – most of Duval County. According to the US Census, only the area in the dark tan in the center is actually “urban” by US Census Bureau (Public Domain) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 199 as part of a city. The Census uses a measure of surface imperviousness to help make such a decision. This means that even a parking lot may be a factor in classifying a place as urban. Finally, the census classifies locations that are reasonably close to an urban region if it has a population density of at leas t500 persons per square mile. That way, small breaks in the continuity of built-up areas do not result in the creation of multiple urban areas, but instead form a single, contiguous urban region. Therefore, people in the suburbs within five miles of the bo rder of a larger city, are counted by the Census as residents of the urban region, associated with a central city. 7.2 What Makes Us Move Together? Cities began to form many thousands of years ago, but there is little agreement regarding why cities form. The chances are that many different factors are responsible for the rise of cities, with some cities owing their existence to multiple factors and cities arose as a result of more specific conditions. Two basic causal forces contribute to the rise of cities. Site location factors are those elements that favor the growth of a city that are found at that location . Site factors include things like the availability of water, food, good soils, a quality harbor, and characteristics that make a location easy to defend from attack. Situation factors are external elements that favor the growth of a city, such as distance to other cities, or a central location. For example, the exceptional distance invading armies have had to travel to reach Moscow, Russia ha s helped the city survive many wars. Most large cities have good site and situation factors. Certainly, the earliest incarnation of cities of fered residents a measure of protection against violence from outside groups for thousands of years. Living in a rural area, farming or ranching, made any family living in such isolation vulnerable to attack. Small villages could offer limited protection, but larger cities, especially those with moats, high walls, professional soldiers and advanced weaponry were safer. The safest places were cities with quality defensible site locations . Many of Europe’s oldest cities were founded Figure 7.3 Prague, Czech Republic. Massive walls form part of an impressive defensive perimeter around Vyšehrad Castle , likely the location from which Prague grew. The other side of the grounds is a stee p cliff down to the Vlata River by Marek Prokop (CC -BY Figure 7.3 Salorno, Italy. This commanding view of the Adige Valley from the ruins of Haderburg Castle indicates the importance of a defensible location. This site is below the Reschen Pass, a historic pathway for armies across the Alps since at least Roman times. (American Landscape Project) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 200 on defensible sites. The European feudal system , in fact, was built upon an arrangement whereby the local lord/duke/king supplied protection to local rural peasants in exchange for food and taxes. For example, Paris and Montreal were founded on defensible island site s. Athens was built upon a defensible hillside , called an acropolis . The Athenian acropolis is so famous that it is called simply The Acropolis . On the other hand, Moscow, Russia takes advantage of its remote situation . Both Napoleon and Hitler found out the hard way the challenges associated with attacking Moscow. In the United States, the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans have largely functioned as America’s defensive barriers, and therefore few cities are located on defens ive sites. In fact, Washington, D.C. has no natural defense -related site or situation advantages. On the only occasion the US was invaded, the city was overrun by the British in the War of 1812. The White House and the Capitol were burned to the ground . Th e poor defensibility of the American capital led to numerous calls for its relocation to a more defensible site during the 1800s. This is partly the reason so many state capitol buildings in the Midwest closely resemble the US C apitol building in Washingto n D.C.; many states were trying to lure the seat of the Federal government to their state capital. San Francisco is the best example of a large American city founded upon the basis of its defensibility. Located on a peninsula between the Pacific Ocean and a large bay, San Francisco was established where it is because of the military advantage provided by that site. San Francisco boasts two kinds of defensible site advantages. It is both peninsula site and a sheltered harbor site . Cannons positioned on either side of the Golden Gate could fire upon any enemy ships trying to pass into the San Francisco Bay. Armies coming northward up the peninsula would be forced into a handful of narrow passes where the Spanish Army could focus their defenses. These site advantages led the Spanish to establish the fort, El Presidio Real de San Francisco , there in 1776. The US Army took control of the fort in 1846, and it remained a military base until 1994. People who possess a specific skill set become a site factor that can greatly affect the location and growth of a city. One specialized skill set was confined to the priestly class, and proximity to religious leaders is anoth er probable reason for the formation of cities. Priests and shamans would have likely gathered the faithful near to them, so that, as the armies of the lordly class, they could offer protection and guidance in return for food, shelter , and compensation (like tithes ). The priestly class w as also the Figure 7.4 San Francisco, CA. The Golden Gate presents a unique defensive site on America’s West Coast. V arious militaries have held this ground since 1776. Urban activities frequently evolve around military installations in respons e to the money and protection by Will Elder (Wikimedia, Public Domain) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 201 primary vessels of knowledge – and the tools of knowledge like writing and science (astronomy, planting calendars, medicine, e.g.), so a cadre of assistants in those affairs would have been necessary. Mecca is probably the best example of a religious city, but others dot the landscape of the world. Rome existed before the Catholic faith, but it assuredly grew and prospered as a result of becoming the headquarters of Christianity for hundreds of years. Cities may have evolved as small trading posts where agricultural and craft goods were exchanged by local farmers and/or wandering nomads. Surplus wealth generated through trade r equired protection and fortifications, so cities with walls may have been built to protect marketplaces and vendors. Some trace the birth of London to an ancestral trading spot called Kingston upon Thames, a market town founded by the Saxons southwest of L ondon’s present core. The place names of many exceptionally old towns in England reveal their original function – Market Drayton, Market Harborough, Market Deeping, Market Weighton, Norton Chipping, Chipping Ongar and Chipping Sodbury. “Chipping” is a deri vation of a Saxon word meaning “to buy.” Throughout history, cities, big and small, have served market functions for those who live in adjacent hinterlands. Some market cities grow much larger than others because they are more centrally located . Central location relative to other competing marketplaces is another example of an ideal situation factor. Large cities have excellent site and situation characteristics. Every major US city , including New York, Chicago, Los Angeles, Atlanta, and Houston are locat ed ideally for commerce and industry. Some cities grow large because of specific site location advantages that favor trade or industry. All cities compete against one another to attract industry, but only those with quality site factors, like good port f acilities and varied transportation options grow large. Cities ideally located between major markets for exports and imports have Figure 7.5 Paris, France. Notre Dame Cathedral built upon the Île de la Cité, a defensible island in the Seine River is the heart of French nationhood. The importance of religion and military defense are both symbolized in these images by MathKnight (Wikimedia, CC -BY -SA) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 202 excellent situation factor advantages versus other competing cities and will grow most. Most large cities in the United State s emerged where two or more modes of transportation intersect, forming what geographers call a break of bulk point. Breaking bulk happens whenever cargo is unloaded from a ship, truck, barge or train. Until the 1970s, unloading (and reloading) freight requ ired a vast number of laborers, and therefore any city that had a busy dock or port or station attracted workers. Los Angeles, Chicago, New Orleans and Houston all grew very large because each was well served by multiple transportation modes . New York City is the largest city in the United States. It wasn’t always that way. It outgrew competitors on the East Coast because of specific advantages in transportation. Early on, Boston and Philadelphia were larger, but New York City’s break of bulk advantages helped it immensely. Key among the factors helping New York outcompete rivals were its additional transportation options. First, it had a port on the Atlantic Ocean. Second, it had the navigable Hudson River, which served inland cities far from the ocean via riverboat and barge. Then, in 1825, the Erie Canal opened, effectively connecting the Atlantic Ocean with Lake Erie and all the markets of the Great Lakes Region via New York City. The canal was a massive advantage. With the opening of the canal, agricultural products coming from the Midwest could be transported across the Great Lakes and Erie Canal to New York City, where it was off-loaded from riverboats to ocean -going ships headed for Europe. Simultaneously, goods coming from Europe and destined for any location in the Midwest had to be unloaded at the port in New York City. The additional jobs working at docks and warehouses attracted other i ndustries, and a snowball effect was achieved by the mid – 1850s that made New York City, for a time, the largest city in the world. With all of this in mind, it is possible to develop a view of cities that is based on innovations and diffusions of technolo gy. This is what was done by the geography of John R. Borchert during the 1960s. Borchert developed a view of the urbanization of Figure 7.6 Illustration of Borchert’s Model (Public Domain) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 203 the United States that is based on epochs of technology. As the components of technology wax and wane, the urban landscape und ergoes dramatic changes. Figure 7.6 depicts the stages of the model. Stage 1: Sail -Wagon Epoch (1790– 1830); the only means of international trade was sailing ships. Once goods were on land, they were hauled by wagon to their final destination. Stage 2: Iron Horse Epoch (1830– 70); characterized by the impact of steam engine technology, and development of steamboats and regional railroad networks. Stage 3: Stee l Rail Epoch (1870– 1920); dominated by the development of long -haul railroads and a national railroad network. Stage 4: Auto -Air-Amenity Epoch (1920– 70); with growth in the gasoline combustion engine. Stage 5: Satellite -Electronic-Jet Propulsion (1970 –?) ; also called the High -Technology Epoch. This stage has continued to the present day as both transportation and technology improves. Rivers have also played a huge role in the establishment of cities. Most all cities are established along rivers of some s ort. Obviously, rivers provide fresh water for drinking ( and irrigation), but the effect navigable rivers have had on urban growth is hard to overstate. Before the age of trains and highways, rivers were the by far the most efficient way to transport heavy cargo, especially over long distances. Interestingly, the interruptions to river navigation were most often responsible for creating conditions that attracted settlement and favored growth. Waterfalls were for many years a complete nuisance to river traffic, but they also are responsible for a number of cities. Not only do waterfalls provide a source of power for industry (see fall line cities below), but they also create special kind of break of a bulk point called a head of navigation. At a waterfall, people had to stop, get out of their boats and carry the boat, and their cargo. Louisville, Kentucky is an excellent example of a head of the navigation site because it arose next to the Falls of the Ohio, a place where the Ohio River tumbled over a waterfall forcing all boats to stop and break bulk, again providing jobs at the boat dock, in warehouses and encouraging manufacturing. Those process of carrying boats and/cargo between two navigable stretches of the river (or to another river) is called Portage . Towns evolve where important portages zones arose. Indiana, New York, Ohio, Wisconsin, Michigan and Maine all have municipalities named “Portage ,” but the most important portage zone in the United States appeared in Chicago, Illinois. Just southwest of what is now downtown Figure 7.7 Louisville, KY. The McAlpine Locks and Dam represent a massive government investment to bypass the Falls of the Ohio (top center of photo). All river traffic once stopped at this location. ( Wikimedia, Public Domain) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 204 Chicago, near Midway Airport was a portage zone where the Chicago River, which flows north into the Lake Michigan nearly intersected the Des Plaines River, which flows southward into the Mississippi River system. Around 1850, the people of Chicago built a canal connecting America’s two greatest navigable water systems, and by doing so gave Chicago an enormous transportation advantage over other locations in the Midwest. Busines s people value b reak of bulk because they offer opportunities for warehousing and manufacturing. Those industries not only attract migrants seeking work, but also additional transportation modes, which in turn create even more jobs. For example, the completion of the Illinois -Michigan canal in 1848 made Chicago an especially attractive terminus for multiple railroad companies that sprang up in the 1850s. It took Chicago just over 30 years to grow from the 100 th most populous American city to the number two spot. Later still, interstate highways and airline routes also converged on Chicago. Rivers also create chokepoints for the movement of goods and people traveling by land. Rivers are often difficult to cross in many locations because the water either the water is too deep or the river too wide. In such places, before bridges were common, t hose trying to cross a river would seek out a ford , which is a shallow place to cross the river without a boat. City names like Stratford, Oxford, and Frankfurt all contain clues that they were once good places to cross a river. These fording sites often w ere simultaneously ideal locations for bridge construction because engineering a bridge across a shallow part of a wide river is simpler at a ford . Bridges funnel overland traffic to specific points, and provide another break of bulk opportunity, especiall y if the river is navigable. Sometimes two rivers merge into a single, larger river at a confluence site, creating yet another unique opportunity to gain an advantage over competitors. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania lies at America’s best-known confluence site. The steel industry thrived in Pittsburgh for over 100 years thanks in large part to the industrial advantages created by its location . Los Angeles (L.A.) is the great metropolis on the west coast of the United States. The Spanish chose a location near wha t is now downtown L.A. for a pueblo (town) because they found fertile soil and a consistent source of water Figure 7.9: Pittsburgh, PA . The confluence of the Monongahela and Allegheny Rivers forms the Ohio River . This location was ideal for the steel industry for many years (Wikimedia, Public Domain) Figure 7.8 Flag of Chicago. The two blue stripes symbolize the two waterways that created America’s most strategic portage site. (Wikimedia, Public Domain) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 205 there alongside a large population of Indians that they hoped would form the core of a vibrant Spanish colony. As years went by, Los Angeles’ only significant advantage over potential competitors in Southern California was its river. Spanish water law declared all the water in the L.A. River belonged to the people of Los Angeles. This law prevented other towns from forming either upstream or downstrea m from the original pueblo. People living along the L.A. River and hoping to use its precious waters were forced by Los Angelenos to become part of L.A. Los Angeles remained a small town until the Santa Fe/Southern Pacific Railroad opened a second transcontinental railroad terminus in L.A. in 1881. Not long afterward, the local port facilities at San Pedro were upgraded, and L.A. began competing with San Francisco for business. With the invention of refrigerated boxcars and the discovery of oil in the region, L.A. grew quickly. Good weather helped encourage migrants to journey westward to take jobs in the petroleum and citrus industries. The same great weather helped attract the movie and aeronautical industries decades later. Water resources though have remained a problem. The Los Angeles River was never sufficient to s erve the needs of a large city, so a series of canals and pipelines have been constructed over the years to bring fresh water from vast distances into the Los Angeles region. 7.3 Understanding Distribution and City Size Under very unusual circumstances, one might find that among a group of cities, no single city has special site location advantages over others. This might happen out on a vast plain, like in Kansas, where there are no navigable rivers, waterfalls or ports. In instances like this, situation advantages come to the fore and a regular, geometric pattern of cities may emerge. This process was more pronounced when transportation was primitive , and the friction of distance was great, but it can still be witnessed b y picking up a map of almost any flat region of the earth. Geographer Walter Christaller noticed the pattern and developed the Central Place Theory to explain the pattern and the logic driving it forward. According to Christaller, if a group of people (li ke farmers) diffuse evenly across a plain (as they were when Kansas opened for homesteaders), a predictable hierarchy of villages, towns and cities will emerge. The driving force behind this pattern is the basic need everyone has to go shopping for goods a nd services. Naturally, people prefer to travel less to acquire what they need. The maximum distance people will travel for a good or service is called the range of that good or service. Goods like a hammer have a short range because will not travel far to buy a hammer. A tractor, because it is an expensive item, has a much greater range. The cost of getting to a tractor dealership is small in relationship to the cost of the tractor itself, so farmers will travel long Figure 7.10 The Second Los Angeles Aqueduct Cascad es . Construction of the aqueduct began in 1908 and completed in 1913. (Wikimedia, CC -BY) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 206 distances to buy the one they want. Hospital services have even greater ranges. People might travel to the moon if a cure for a deadly disease was available there. Each merchant and service provider also requires a minimum number of regular customers in order to stay in business. Christaller called this number the threshold population. A major -league sports franchise has a threshold population of probably around a million people, most of whom must live in that team’s range. There are only 30 Major League Baseball teams in the United States, and the team with the smallest market (Milwaukee Brewers) has a threshold population of 2 million people. An ordinary Wal -Mart store probably has a threshold of about 20,000 people, so they are far more numerous. Starbuck’s Coffee shops probably have a threshold of about 5,000 people or less, because there are so many. When customers and merchants living and working on featureless plain interact over time, some villages will attract more merchants (and customers) and grow into towns or even cities. Some villages will not be able to attract or retain merchants , and they will not grow. Competition between towns on this plain prevents neighboring locations to grow simultaneously. As a result, centrally located villages tend to grow into towns at the expense of their neighbors. A network of centrally located towns, will emerge and among these towns only a few will grow into cities. One very centrally located city may evolve into a much larger city. The largest cities will have business and functions that require large thresholds (like major league sports teams or highly specialized boutiques). People from villages and small towns can access only the most basic goods and services (like gas stations or convenience stores) and are forced to travel to larger cities to buy higher order goods Figure 7.11 Central Place Theory. This diagram represents an idealized urban hierarchy in which people travel to the closest local market for lower order goods, but must go to a larger town or city for higher orders goods. (Citation?) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 207 and services. Those goods and services not available to the nearest l arge city (regional service center) require customers to travel further. Some goods and services are only available at the top of the urban hierarchy; the mega-cities. In the United States, a handful of cities (New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, and Dallas) may offer exceptionally high order goods, unavailable in other large cities like Cleveland, Seattle or Atlanta. Geographer Mark Jefferson developed the law of the primate city to explain the phenomenon of huge cities that capture such a large proportion of a country’s population as well as its economic activity. These primate cities are often, but not always, the capital cities of a country. An excellent example of a primate city is Paris, which truly represents and serves as the focus of France. They dominate the country in influence and are the national focal point . Their sheer size and activity become a strong pull factor, bringing additional residents to the city and causing the primate city to become even larger and more disproportional to smaller citi es in the country. However, not every country has a primate city, as you’ll see from the list below. Some scholars define a primate city as one that is larger than the combined populations of the second and third ranked cities in a country. This definitio n does not represent true primacy, however, as the size of the first ranked city is not disproportionate to the second. The law can be applied to smaller regions as well. For example, California’s primate city is Los Angeles, with a metropolitan area popu lation of 16 million, which is more than double the San Francisco metropolitan area of 7 million. Even counties can be examined with regard to the Law of the Primate City. Examples of Countries with Primate Cities • Paris (9.6 million) is the focus of Fran ce while Marseilles has a population of 1.3 million. • Similarly, the United Kingdom has London as its primate city (7 million) while the second largest city, Birmingham, is home to a mere one million people. • Mexico City, Mexico (8.6 million) outshines Guada lajara (1.6 million). Figure 7.12 Map of Bugatti Automobile Dealerships in the United States. Expensive automobiles have limited threshold and extensive ranges; therefore, only very high or der places host such businesses ( Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 208 • A huge dichotomy exists between Bangkok (7.5 million) and Thailand’s second city , Nanthaburi (481,000). Examples of Countries that Lack Primate Cities • India’s most populous city is Mumbai (formerly Bombay) with 16 million; second is Kolkata (formerly Calcutta) with more than 13 million , and third is less than 13 million. • China, Canada, Australia, and Brazil are additional examples of non -primate- city countries. • Utilizing the metropolitan area population of urban areas in the United States, we find that the U.S. lacks a true primate city. With the New York City metropolitan area populatio n at approximately 21 million, second ranked Los Angeles at 16 million, and even third -ranked Chicago at 9 million, America lacks a primate city. In 1949, George Zipf devised his theory of rank -size rule to explain the size cities in a country. He explained that the second and subsequently smaller cities should represent a proportion of the largest city. For example, if the largest city in a country contained one million citizens, Zipf stated that the second city would contain one -half as many as the first, or 500,000. The third would contain one -third or 333,333, the fourth would be home to one-quarter or 250,000, and so on, with the rank of the city representing the denominator in the fraction. While some countries’ urban hierarchy somewhat fits into Zip f’s scheme, later Figure 7.13 Urban areas with more than 750,000 inhabitants ( Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 209 geographers argued that his model should be seen as a probability model and that deviations are to be expected . 7.4 Understanding Internal City Structure and Urban Development Most urban centers begin in the downtown region called the central business district (CBD). The CBD tends to be the node or of transportation networks along with commercial property, banking, journalism, and judicial departments like City Hall, courts, and libraries. Because of high competition and limited space, property values for commercial and private ownership tend to be at a premium. CBDs also tend to use land above and below ground in the form of subways, underground malls, and high – rises. Sports facilities and convention centers also tend to be dominating forces in CBDs . Ur ban planning is a sub-field of geography and until recently was part of geography departments in academia. An urban planner is someone trained in multiple theories of urban development along with developing ways to minimize traffic, decrease environmental pollution, and build sustainable cities. Urban planners, sociologists, along with geographers have come up with three models to demonstrate and explain how cities grow. The first model is called the concentric zone model, which states that cities have the ability to develop in five concentric rings. The inner zone of the cities tends to be the CBD, followed by a second ring that tends to the zone of transition between the first and third rings. In this transition zone, the land tends to Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Analyze the range and market areas for coffee shops, fast food restaurants, home improv ement stores, and luxury department stores. Figure 7.14: Burgess’ Concentric Rin g Model. 1 = Inner City, 2 = Zone of Transition, 3 = Working Class Housing, 4 = Suburbs, 5 = Exurbs (adapted Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 210 be used by industry or low-quality housing. The third ring is called the zone of independent workers and tends to be occupied by working -class households. The fourth ring is called the zone of better residences and is dominated by middle-class families. Finally, ring five is called the com muter’s zone, where most people living there have to commute to work every day. The second model for city development and growth is called the sector model . This model states that cities tend to grow in sectors rather than concentric rings. The idea behi nd this model is that “like groups” tend to grow in clusters and expand as a cluster. The center of this model is still the CBD. The next sector is called the transportation and industry sector. The third sector is called the low -class residential sector, where lower income households tend to group. The fourth sector is called the middle -class sector, and the fifth is the high- class sector. The third and final urban design is called the multiple nuclei model . (See figure 7.16) In this model, the city is mo re complex and has more than one CBD. A node could exist for the downtown region, another where a university is situated, and maybe another where an international airport may be. Some clustering does exist in this model because some sectors tend to stay aw ay from other sectors. For example, industry does not tend to develop next to high -income housing. The multiple nuclei model also features zones common to the other models. Industrial districts in these new cities, unfettered by the need to access rail or water corridors, Figure 7.15 Chauncy Harris and Edward Ullman’s Multiple Nuclei model of urban structure (By Ulman2.png: The original uploader was SuzanneKn Ulman2.png, Public Domain, Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 211 rely instead on truck freight to receive supplies and to ship products, allowing them to occur anywhere zoning laws permitted. In western cities, zoning laws are often far less rigid than in the East, so the pattern of industrialization in these cities is sometimes random. Residential neighborhoods of varying status also emerged in nearly random fashion as well, creating “pockets” of housing for both the rich and poor, alongside large zones of lower middle -class housing. The reasons for neighborhoods to develop where they do are similar as they are in the sector model. Amenities attract wealthier folks, transport advantages attract industry and commerce, and disamenity zones are all that poor folks can afford. Th ere is a sort of randomness to multiple nuclei cities, making the landscape less legible for those not familiar with the city, unlike concentric ring cities that are easy to read by outsiders who have been to other similar cities. Another model is referred to as ” Keno Capitalism .” In this model, based i n Los Angeles, different districts are laid out in an essentially random grid, similar to a boar d used in the gambling game keno . The premise of this model is that the internet and modern transportation systems have made location and distance largely irrelevant to the location of different sorts of activities within a city. Geographers Ernest Griffin and Larry Ford recognized that the pop ular urban models did not fit well in many cities in the developing world. In response, they created one of the more compelling descriptions of cities formerly colonized by Spain – the Latin American Model (Figure 7.16 ). The Spanish designed Latin American cities according to rules contained in the Spanish Empire’s Law of the Indies . According to these rules, each significant city was to have at its center a large plaza or town common for ceremonial purposes. A grand boulevard along which housing for the city’s elite was built stretched away from the central plaza and served as both a parade route and opulent promenade. For several blocks outward from this elite spine was built the housing for the wealthy and powerful. The rest of the city was initially left for the poor because there was almost no middle class. The poor ly built houses close the central plaza where jobs and conveniences existed. Over time, the houses built by the poor, perhaps little more than shacks, were improved and enlarged. Ford and Griffin called this process in situ accretion. As the city’s population grew, young families and in -migrants built still more shacks, adding Figure 7.16 Griffin and Ford’s Latin American Model – 1: Zone of Maturity, 2 = Zone of in situ accretion 3 = squatter zone, 4 = disamenity zone, 5 = elite spine and residential district. Note the CBD and Market at site of old pl aza, and the mall serving the elite d istrict. Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 212 rings of housing that is always being upgraded . At the edges of the city are always the newest residents, often squatting on land they do not own. Sociologists, geographers, and urban planners know that no city exactly follows one of the urban models of growth. But the models help us understand the broader reason why people live where they do. Higher income households tend to live away from lower income households. Renters and house owners also tend to segregate from each other. In fact, renters tend to live closer to t he CBD, whereas homeowners tend to live in the outer regions of the city. It should be noted that the three models were developed shortly after World War II and based on U.S. cities; many critics now state that they don’t truly represent modern cities . 7. 5 Megacities A megacity is pegged as any city with more than 10 million residents. Another term often used to describe this is conurbation , a somewhat more comprehensive label that incorporates agglomeration areas such as the Rhine -Ruhr region in Germany’s west which has 11.9 million inhabitants. Of the 30 biggest megacities worldwide, 20 of them are in Asia and South America alone, including Baghdad, Bangkok, Buenos Aires, Delhi, Dhaka, Istanbul, Jakarta, Karachi, Kolkata, Manila, Mexico City, Mumbai, Osaka-Kobe -Kyoto, Rip de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, Seoul, Shanghai, Teheran, and Tokyo -Yokohama. European megacities include London and Paris , and the UN estimates that the number of megacities worldwide will only increase. The explosive growth of these and other cities is a rather new phenomenon, a result of industrialization. The megacities of the world differ not only according to whether they Figure 7.18 Global patterns of urbanization, 2015 (United Nations, Public Domain) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 213 lie in the southern or northern hemisphere, but also by country, climatic and political conditions. Megacities can be rich, poor, organized or chaotic. Paris and London are megacities, but it’s difficult to compare them demographically or economically with Jakarta or Lagos. Rich megacities tend to stretch out further than their poorer counterparts: Los Angeles’ settlement area is four times as big as Mumbai’s despite its population being smaller. Rich city inhabitants have a much higher rate of land consump tion for apartments, transport, business, and industry. The situation is similar in terms of water and energy consumption, which is much higher in affluent cities. Cairo and Dhaka are without doubt ‘monster cities’ in terms of their population size, spatia l and urban planning. But they are also “resourceful cities,” home to millions of people with few resources. The high population levels in megacities and mega urban spaces are leading to a host of problems such as guaranteeing all residents a supply of basic foods, drinking water and electricity. Related to this are concerns about sanitation and disposal of sewage and waste. There isn’t enough living space fo r incoming residents, leading to an increase in informal settlements and slums. Many urban residents get around via bus, truck or motorized bicycles, leading to chaos on the streets and CO2 emissions leaking into the air. The faster a city develops, the m ore critical these issues become. Due to their rapid growth, megacities in developing countries and in the southern hemisphere have to Figure 7.19 Kolkata Slum Realities by Wolfgang Sterneck (Flickr, CC -BY-NC -SA) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 214 battle in order to provide for their inhabitants. Between 1950 and 2000, cities in the north have grown an average of 2.4 times. In the south they’ve grown more than 7 -fold over the same period. Lack of financial resources and sparse coordination between stakeholders at different levels intensify the problems. Megacities usually do not represent one political -administrative unit, instead dividing the city into parts such as with Mexico City, which is made up of one primary core district (Distrito Federal) and more than 20 outlying municipalities (municípios conurbados) where differing planning, construction, tax and environme ntal laws are carried out than in the core district. Two key causes behind city growth are high rates of immigration as well as growing birth numbers. People move to the city with the hope of a more prosperous life and leave the country in search of brighter prospects. Without careful planning and infrastructure in place, this road can often lead to another poverty trap. As cities grow, so too do the unplanned and underserved areas, the so-called slums. In some regions of the world, more than 50 percent of urban populations live in slums. In parts of Africa south of the Sahara, that number jumps to around 70 percent. In 2007, a reported one billion people lived in slums and by 2020, that figure could grow to 1.4 billion, according to the UN. What are slums ? The UN defines them as overcrowded, poor, informal forms of housing that lack reasonable access to clean drinking water and sanitary facilities and deprive residents of power of the land. Above all, slums are a structural and spatial expression of lack of housing and growing urban poverty. The well -known symbols of this are makeshift huts, such as the favelas in Brazil, but also desolate and overcrowded apartment buildings in major Chinese cities where the growing army of migrant workers and workers find makeshift accommodation. The reasons so many of these cities are poor include underemployment and insufficient pay as well as low productivity within the informal sector. Around half the people in megacities that lie in the southern hemisphere are employed in the informal sector, many of whom are coerced into accepting any kind of employment. They sell various products – ciga rettes, drinks, food, bits and pieces – simple services like shoe Figure 7.20 A young boy sits over a n open sewer in the Kibera slum in Nairobi by Trocaire (Wikimedia, CC – BY) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 215 cleaning and letter writing as well as smuggling goods or ending up in prostitution. Exploitation is at times rife in slum settings due to insecure residences, lack of legal protection, poor sanitation and unstable acquisition conditions. Parallel to the growth of slums, gated communities – or exclusive neighborhoods – are also on the rise. These are fenced and well -monitored communities in which affluent members live, further driving the tr end towards separation among urban populations. But it’s not just living spaces splitting the cities – globally, there is a major push towards big new building projects like über -modern banks and business districts which stand in stark contrast to informal areas for the poor. These central business districts (CBD) are often siloed off from the main part of the city and migrate, along with the gated communities, towards the outskirts of town as is the case in Pudong, Shanghai and Beijing. For the most part, urban planning is based on the needs of the consumer and culture – oriented upper classes and economic growth sectors with the result being that the gap betwe en rich and poor continues to grow. Such fragmented cities are a fragile entity in which conflicts are inevitable. Considering the fact that most people on the planet are city -dwellers, questions are starting to be asked about how to develop and design ur banization and urban migration in a sustainable way. Urban residents the world over require good air to breathe, clean drinking water, access to proper healthcare, sanitary facilities and a reliable energy supply. The current situation in cities in develo ping countries can be precarious: the air is thick enough to touch; sewage treatment plants, if any, are overloaded and industrial factories secrete virtually unregulated highly toxic waste and wastewater. In addition, climate change will likely hit poorer cities harder. Figure 7.21 Shanghai Morning by Aldas Kirvaitis (Flickr, CC -BY-NC -ND) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 216 However, cities in the developed countries have to deal with environmental challenges in the areas of transport, energy and waste and wastewater. The only advantage here: the minimum supply of water, sanitation and energy already exists. On an international level, there are countless efforts currently being undertaken to support sustainable urban development. A number of large UN projects, such as the UN -HABITAT -Program Sustainable Urban Development Network (SUD -Net) or the Urban Managemen t Program (UMP), are endeavoring to improve and strengthen governmental and planning abilities. One of the goals of the UMP is to also implement the Millennium Development Goals at the city level. Many urban problems can be explained not only at the city level, but must be regarded as results of political disorder and economic instability on a global and national level – and that this is where the solutions lie! Want to know more about life in a megacity? This web documentary from the Deustche Welle allow s you to accompany a young woman on her regular route to work as she navigates the traffic and transport chaos in Mumbai or wander through Mangueira, one of the favelas in Rio de Janeiro. 7.6 Challenges to Urban Growth One of the major problems that cities face is dete riorating areas, high crime, homelessness, and poverty. As noted in the urban models, many lower income people live near the city, but lack the job skil ls to compete for employment within the city. This often results in a variety of social and economic problems. Census data shows that 80 percent of children living in inner cities only have one parent , and because child care services are limited in the cit y, single parents struggle to meet the demands of childcare and employment. Problems associated with lower income areas are often violent crime (assault, murder, rape), pros titution, drug distribution and abuse, homelessness, and food deserts. Some of these inner-city areas are slums , which is a heavily populated urban informal settlement consisting of poor, inadequate living standards. Most slums lack proper sanitation services, access to clean drinking water, law enforcement, or other essentia l necessities of living in an urban area. A shanty town , also known as a squatter , is a slum settlement that usually consists of building material made from plywood sheets of plastic, cardboard boxes, and other cheap material. They are usually found on t he periphery of cities or near rivers, Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 217 lagoons, or city trash dumps. When residents in a neighborhood lack the money, political organizational skills or the motivation to protect themselves from disamenities (d rawbacks or disadvantages especially pertaini ng to location) , significant neighborhood degradation is possible. Poor people of all ethnicities can rarely afford to live in neighborhoods that have the outstanding schools, parks, air quality, etc., and so they are often able to afford to live only in t he most dangerous, toxic, degraded neighborhoods. Racism is certainly a common variable in the poverty equation, but it is rarely the only one. As a way for city officials to deal with inner city problems, there has been a push recently to renovate cities, a process called gentrification . Middle class families are drawn to city life because housing is cheaper, yet can be fixed up and improved, whereas suburb housing prices continue to rise. Some cities also offer tax breaks and cheap loans to families who move into the city to help pay for renovation. Also, city houses tend to have more cultural style and design compared t o quickly made suburb homes. Transportation tends to be cheaper and more convenient, so that commuters don’t spend hours a day traveling to work. Couples without children are drawn to city living because of the social aspects of theaters, clubs, restaurants, bars, and recreational facilities. The logic behind gentrification is that it not only reduces crime and homelessness, it Figure 7.17 World’s 30 largest contiguous slums (Michael Dav is, Planet of Slums) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 218 also brings tax revenue to cities to improve the city’s infrastructure. But there has also been a backlash against gentrification because some view it as a tax break for the middle and upper class rather than spending much needed money on social programs for low income families. It could also be argued that improving lower class households would also increase tax revenue because fun ding could go toward job skill training, child care services, and reducing drug use and crime . The Federal Housing Authority (FHA), created in 1934 as one of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal projects, was tasked with ensuring that housing was built safely while encouraging banks to make loans to people seeking to buy new homes or repair older homes so they were suitable to sell. The FHA was part of a grand scheme to stimulate the housing secto r of the economy during the Great Depression, but also to provide government help and oversight to the home loan industry. Since many of those who qualified for loans were white and not in poverty, the government helped increase residential segregation by encouraging white flight from the cities. Meanwhile, minorities faced still with racist deed restrictions in many new suburbs, found themselves stuck in the city, where the FHA’s mortgage assistance programs were far less helpful. Some have argued that FHA policies encouraged a series of discrimina tory mortgage and insurance practices, known as redlining . During the Depression, the federal government refinanced more than a million mortgages in an effort to stem the tide of foreclosures, but not everyone was eligible for this help. Neighborhoods with poor terrain, old buildings or those threatened by “foreign -born, negro or lower grade population” were judged to be too risky for government help. They appeared on government maps of cities in red. After the war, banks, insurance companies, and other financial institutions also mapped out where not to do business. Residents in neighborhoods with a “red line” drawn around them would not be able to get loans to buy, repair or improve housing. Some couldn’t get insurance on what they owned. If they could, t he terms of the loan or the insurance rates were higher than those outside the zone, a Figure 7.18 Los Angeles – Government made map of loan desirability from 1933. Consider the lasting effect of this government policy today. Source Urban Oasis Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 219 practice called reverse redlining . It appears that the main criteria for inclusion in a red -lined neighborhood was the percentage of minorities, therefore, most of the p eople who suffered from the ill -effects of redlining were minorities. African -Americans were harmed most often. Individuals with good credit histories and a middle -class income could find it impossible to buy homes in specific neighborhoods. Redlining wa s a death sentence to neighborhoods. In 1968, the Fair Housing Act tried to outlaw redlining (and other forms of housing discrimination), but additional laws were needed to bolster the language in the 1970s, but by that time, long -term damage was evident in inner cities across the United States. Although it’s illegal to discriminate against minorities (or anyone really) for non -economic characteristics, there is ample evidence to suggest it still occurs. Homelessness is another major concern for citizens of large cities. More than one half – million people are believed to live on the streets or in shelters. In 2013 , about one – third of the entire homeless population were living as a member of family unit. One fourth of homeless people were children. In Los Angeles County at the same time, there were somewhere around 40,000 homeless people living either in shelters and/or on the street. Another 20,000 persons were counted as near homeless or precariously Figure 7.23: Skid Row, Los A ngeles, CA. Homeless services, shelters are concentrated in a few blocks east of downtown Los Angeles. Source: Margaret Quinones, Department of Geography – California State University, Northridge. Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 220 housed, typically living with friends or acquaintances in short -term arrangements. There are multiple reasons why people become homeless. The Los Angeles Homeless Authority estimates that about one -third of the homeless have substance abuse problems, and another third are mentally ill. About a quarter have a physical disability. A disturbing number are veterans of the armed forces or victims of domestic abuse. Economic conditions locally and nationally also have a significant impact on the overall number of homeless people in a particular year, not only because during recessions people lose their jobs and homes, but because the stresses of poverty can worsen mental illness. The government plays a significant role in the pattern and intensity of homelessness. Ronald Reagan is the politician most associated with the homeless crisis both nationally and in California. When Reagan became governor of California the late 1960s, deinstitutionalization of mental patients was already a state policy. Under his administration, state -run facilities for the care of mentally ill persons were closed and replaced by for -profit board and care homes. The idea was that people shouldn’t be locked up by the state simply for being mentally ill and that government run facilities could not match the quality and cost-efficiency of privately run boarding homes. Many private facilities though were badly run, profit -driven, located in poor neighborhoods and had little professional staff. Patients could, and did, leave these facilities in large numbers, frequently becoming homeless or incarcerated. Other states followed California’s example. By the late 1970s, the federal government passed some legislation to address the growing crisis, but sweeping changes in governmental policy at the federal level during the Regan presidency shelved efforts started by the Carter administration. Drastic cuts to social programs during the 1980s ensured an explosion Figure 7.19 Many According to the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 20 to 25% of the homeless populat ion in the United States suffers from some form of severe mental illness. In comparison, only 6% of Americans are severely mentally ill (By Eric Pouhier, CC BY- SA 2.5, w/index.php?curid=4211031 ) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 221 of mental illness related homelessness. Most funding has never been restored, though the Obama administration has aggressively pursued policies aimed at housing homeless veterans. Though homeless people come from many types of neighborhoods, facilities for serving homeless populations are not well distributed throughout the urban regions. Many cities have a region known as Skid Row , a neighborhood unofficially reserved for the destitute. Apparently, the ter m originated as a reference to Seattle’s lumber yard areas where workers used skids (wooden planks) to help them move logs to mills. Today, many of the shelters and services for the homeless are found in and around skid row. Not all of a city’s residence live within the urban cores. Over half of all people live in suburbs rather than in the city or rural areas. There was actually a suburban sprawl model developed to explain U.S. development called the peripheral model. This mo del states that urban areas consist of a CBD followed by large suburban are of business and residential developments. The outer regions of the suburbs become transition zones of rural areas. The attraction to suburbs is low crime rates, lack of social and economic problems, detached single -family housing, access to parks, and usually better schooling. These are nationwide generalizations and not necessarily true everywhere. Suburbs also tend to create economic and social segregation, where tax revenues and social resources provide better funding oppor tunities than in inner cities. Of course, there is also a cost to suburban sprawling. Developers are always looking for cheaper land to build, which usually means developing rural areas and farm land rather than expanding next to existing suburbs. Air pollution and traffic congestion also becomes a problem as working households are required to travel farther to and from work. Suburbs tend to be less commuter friendly to those who walk or bike because the model of development is based around vehicle transportation. Figure 7.20 Photograph captured while on a balloon ride over Rio Rancho, New Mexico in 2009. ( By Riverrat303 CC BY -SA 3.0, ) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 222 Water is another challenge to urban growth. It is an elemental part of the fabric of urban lives, providing sustenance and sanitation, commerce and connectivity. Our fundamental needs for water hav e always determined the location, size and form of our cities, just as water shapes the character and outlook of their citizens. Urban health is inextricably linked with water. From the first cities, planners have appreciated the potential linkages of wate r with health and the need for consistent water supplies. Indeed, the modern field of public health owes a strong debt to the sanitary engineers who strove to provide potable water and safe disposal of human wastes in burgeoning cities of the Industrial Re volution. Scientists and decision -makers have recently begun to appreciate that, as in the case of other urban systems, the linkages between water management, health and sustainability are complex in ways that undermine the effectiveness of traditional ap proaches. Unprecedented urban populations and densities, intra -urban inequities, and inter -urban mobility pose serious new problems, and climate change adds a novel and uncharted dimension. This has, in some cases, led to worsening urban health, or to increased risks—for instance, some water -associated diseases like dengue are on the rise globally while others, like cholera, nominally controlled in the developed countries, continue to pose serious threats elsewhere; many regions face increased food and wate r scarcity, and many urban slums present conditions that challenge effective water management. 7.7 City as Place In one way, cities are vast, complex machines that produce goods and services, but that way of conceiving the city overlooks very real emotional qualities that define almost any location. Most people would argue that cities have personalities; qualities that define them as a place. People who live in particular cities often develop a sort of Figure 7.21 Love our city, love our sports ( CC0 Public Domain ) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 223 tribal attitude toward their city. This attitude is reflected most visibly in the very real, emotional attachment citizens have to their sports teams. It’s not uncommon for citizens of a city to take great offense at derogatory remarks directed toward “their city”, especially if those remarks come from an outsider. How we know what we know about cities is largely bound up in symbolisms of cities provided us through countless media. Often people h ave enormous storehouses of knowledge about specific places (New York, Paris, Hollywood), even though they have never even visited. We also have powerful ideas about generic places, “small towns”, “the suburbs”, “the ghetto”, even though we may not have vi sited these places either. Clearly, this knowledge is imperfect and may very well be dangerously inaccurate to both us and those people who live in these places. It’s important that we recognize how our knowledge of places has been constructed and we must seek to understand what purposes these constructions serve. Geographer Donald Meinig proposed that Americans have particularly strong ideas and emotions about three special, but generic landscapes: The New England Village, Small Town America and the California Suburb ( Meinig’s Three Landscapes ). Scholars who specialize in the theory of knowledge would suggest these are landscapes are “ always already ” known; because the symbolism associated with them is deeply engrained in our collective thoughts, despite that fact that we are h ard pressed to identify how we came to understand the symbolism associated with these places. Meinig’s first symbolic landscape is the sleepy New England Village , with its steepled white church and cluster of tidy homes surrounded by hardwood forests is strongly evocative of a lifestyle centered around family, hard work, prosperity, Christianity and community. He called its rival from the American Midwest Main Street USA . This landscape is found in countless small towns, and symbolizes order, thrift, industry, capitalism and practicality. It’s less cohesive and less religious than the New England Village, and more focused on business and government. Finally, Meinig points to the California Suburb as the last of the major urban landscapes deeply embedded in the national consciousness. Suburban California symbolizes the good -life: backyard cookouts with the family and neighbors, a prosperous, healthy lifestyle, centered on family leisure. So powerful are these images that they often appear as settings for novels, movies, television shows as well as political or product advertising campaigns. If you were a Figure 7.22 Rockville, IN. Small towns across America’s heartland represent a kind of generic place that evoke a specific set of Amer ican ideas and values (Wikimedia, Public Domain) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 224 manufacturer of high quality home furnishings, you may want to use the landscape of New England to help sell a well -built dining room table. Insurance companies, like to evoke images of Main Street USA when they want to sign you up for a policy; “like a good neighbor” they might tell you, hoping you’ll trust the company, despite the fact th at its headquarters is not in a small farming town. E.T., the famous movie about a boy who befriends a lost space alien is set in a “typical California suburb”. Like the other symbolic landscapes, movie audiences do not need to have the setting explained t o them, they always already know what that place means. Certainly, there are other symbolic landscapes. 7.8 Cultural Reflections in Urban Landscapes The built environment is a product of socio-economic, cultural, and political forces. Every urban system has its own ‘genetic code’, expressed in architectural and spatial forms that reflect a community’s values and identity. Each community chooses certain physical characteristics, producing the unique character of its city. This ‘communal eye’ exemplifies the city’s architectural legacy and gives a sense of place. For example, in old Sana’a, the capital of Yemen, unique buildings decorated with geometric patterns Apply your skills with a GeoInquiry Locate urban are as and factors of urbanization. Identify characteristics and examples of edge cities. Figure 7.23 Figure 1.25 Nubian Village by Chris Brown (Flickr, CC -BY) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 225 create a distinctive visual character unique to the city (Figure 7.23) Another example is Egypt’s Nubian village ( Figure 7.24) where the building materials and colors are unique and reflect the vernacular architecture of the region. However, current architectural practices, in almost every city in the world, do not respect the past identities and traditions of our cities. Most projects bear little or no relationship to the surrounding urban context the city’s genetic code. Architects only follow international architectural movements such as “Modern architecture”, “Postmodernism”, “High -Technology”, and “Deconstructionism”. The result is a fragmented and discontinuous dialogue among buildings, destroying a city’s communal memory. Street art and graffiti have been filling this gap, explaining the conflict between the traditional culture and contemporary sociopolitical issues of cities. Street artists are repurposing city walls to highlight heritage, history and identity and, in some cases, to humanize this struggle. Each city has a unique wall art that has become part of its overall genetic code. Some of art in Santiago (Figure 7.25) for example, highlights Chilean identity. Another example is how wall art was used during the Egyptian revolution to memorialize the events. In March 2012, yo ung graffiti artists launched the “No Walls” movement when the Egyptian authorities constructed a number of concrete walls to block important street junctions so as to control peaceful demonstrations. Many scholars of urban morphology suggest that the str eet network of any city is made up of a dual network −the foreground network, consisting of the main streets in the urban system, and background network, made up of alleyways or smaller streets. The foreground network, or the main street network, usually h as a universal form, a ‘deformed wheel’ structure composed of small semi -grid street pattern in the center (hub) linked with at least one ring road (rim) through diagonal streets (spokes). But the form of the background network differs from a city to anoth er; therefore, it is this Figure 7.24 The 1000 -year old Bab Al-Yemen (the Gate of Yemen) at the city center of the capital Sana’a by Jialiang Gao (Wikimedia, CC -BY -SA) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 226 network that gives a city its spatial identity. Many cities such as London, Tokyo, and Cairo have a similar universal street pattern of a ‘deformed wheel’ in foreground network in spite of having different background networks, possibly as a result of cultural differences or contributing to the creation of those cultural differences. In short, the background network reflects the unique structure of each city, and could be considered its genetic code. 7.9 Economic Development and City Infrastructure The evidence of the positive link between urban areas and economic development is overwhelming. With j ust 54 per cent of the world’s population, cities account for more than 80 per cent of global GDP. Figure 7.24 and Figure 7.25 respectively show the contribution of cities in developed and developing countries to national income. In virtually all cases, th e contribution of urban areas to national income is greater than their share of national population. For instance, Paris accounts for 16 per cent of the population of France, but generates 27 per cent of GDP. Similarly, Kinshasa and metro Manila account fo r 13 per cent and 12 per cent of the population of their respective countries, but generate 85 per cent and 47 per cent of the income of the democratic republic of Congo and Philippines respectively. The ratio of the share of urban areas’ income to share o f population is greater for cities in developing countries vis -à-vis those of developed countries. This is an indication that the transformative force of urbanization is likely to be greater in developing countries, with possible implications for harnessin g the positive nature of urbanization. Figure 7.25 Street art in Santiago by She Paused for Thought (Wikimedia, CC -BY) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 227 The higher productivity of urban areas stems from agglomeration economies, which are the benefits firms and businesses derive from locating near to their customers and suppliers in order to reduce transport and communication costs they also include proximity to a large labor pool, competitors w ithin the same industry and firms in other industries. These economic gains from agglomeration can be summarized as three essential functions: matching, sharing, and learning. First, cities enable businesses to match their distinctive requirements for lab or, premises and suppliers better than smaller towns because a wider choice is available. Better matching means greater flexibility, higher productivity and stronger growth. Second, cities give firms access to a bigger and improved range of shared services , infrastructure and external connectivity to national and global customers because of the scale economies for providers. Third, firms benefit from the superior flows of information and ideas in cities, promoting more learning and innovation. Proximity fac ilitates the communication of complex ideas between firms, research centers and investors. Close proximity also enables formal and informal networks of experts to emerge, which promotes comparison, competition and collaboration. I t is not surprising theref ore that large cities are the most likely places to spur the creation of young high growth firms, sometimes described as “gazelles.” It is cheaper and easier to provide infrastructure and public services in cities. The cost of delivering services such as w ater, housing and education is 30 -50 per cent cheaper in concentrated population centers than in sparsely populated areas. The benefits of agglomeration can be offset by rising congestion, pollution, pressure on natural resources, higher labor and propert y costs, greater policing costs occasioned higher levels of crime and insecurity often in the form of negative externalities or agglomeration diseconomies. These inefficiencies grow with city size, especially if urbanization is not properly managed, and if cities are deprived of essential public infrastructure. The immediate effect of dysfunctional systems, gridlock and physical Figure 7.26 Share of GDP and national population in selected cities – developed countries (UN – Habitat, 2011, Public Domain) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 228 deterioration may be to deter private investment, reduce urban productivity and hold back growth. Cities can become victims of their own success and the transformative force of urbanization can diminish. The dr amatic changes in the spatial form of cities brought about by rapid urbanization over the last two decades, present sign ificant challenges and opportunities. Whereas new spatial configurations play key role in creating prosperity, there is an urgent demand for more integrated planning, robust financial planning, service delivery and strategic po licy decisions. These interven tions are necessary if cities are to be sustain able, inclu sive and ensure a high quality of life for all. Urban areas worldwide continu e to expand giving rise to an increase in both vertical and horizontal dimensions. With cities growing beyond their administrative and physical boundaries, conventional governing structures and institutions become outdated. This trend has led to expansion not just in terms of population settlement and spatial sprawl, but has altered the social and economic spheres of influence of urban residents. I n other words, the functional areas of cities and the people that live and work within them are transcending physical boundaries. Cities have extensive labor, real estate, industrial, agricul tural, financial and service markets that spread over the jurisdictional ter ritories of several municipalities. in In India, India, urban – rural economic linkages were responsible for 13 -25 % of the overall reduction in rural poverty between 1983 and 1999 Figure 7.27 Share of GDP and national population in selected cities developing countries (UN – Habitat, 2011, Public Domain) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 229 some cases, cities have spread across international boundaries plagued with fragmentation, congestion, degradation of environ – mental resources , and weak regulatory frameworks, city leaders struggle to address demands from citizens who live, work, and move across urban regions irrespective of municipal jurisdictional boundaries. The development of complex interconnected urban areas introduces the pos sibility of reinventing new mechanisms of governance. A city’s physical form, its built environment characteristics, the extent and pattern of open spaces together with the relationship of its density to destinations and transportation corridors, all interact with natural and other urban characteristics to constrain transport options, energy use, drainage, and future patterns of growth. It takes careful, proper coordination, location and design (including mixed uses) to reap the benefits more compact u rban patterns can bring to the environment (such as reduced noxious emissions) and quality of life. Urban space can be a strategic entry point for driving sustainable development. Figure 7.28 Aerial view of growth patterns in Arlington County. High density, mixed use development is c oncentrated within ¼ – ½ mile from the Rosslyn, Court House and Clarendon Metro stations (shown in red), with limited density outside that area. This photograph is taken from the United States Environmental Protection Agency [1] website describing Arlington’ s award for overall excellence in smart growth in 2002 — the first ever granted by the agency. By This image was altered by Thesmothete with additional graphical elements to indicate the location of transit stations and the extent of development around th em. – Derivative of: ArlingtonRb aerial.jpg, Public Domain, Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 230 However, this requires innovative and responsive urban planning and design that utilizes density, minimizes transport needs and service delivery costs, optimizes land – use, enhances mobility and space for civic and economic activities, and provides areas for recreation, cultural and social interaction to enhance quality of life. By adopting relevant laws and regulations, city planners are revisiting the compact and mixed land -use city, reasserting notions of urban planning that address the new challenges and realities of scale, with urban region -wide mobility and in frastructure demands. The need to move from sectoral interventions to strategic urban planning and more comprehensive urban policy platforms is crucial in transforming city form. For example, transport planning was often isolated from land – use planning a nd this sectoral divide has caused wasteful investment with long -term negative consequences for a range of issues including residential development, com – muting and energy consumption. Yet, transit and land – use integration is one of the most promising means of reversing the trend of automobile-dependent sprawl and placing cities on a sustainable pathway. The more compact a city, the more productive and innovative it is and the lower its per capita resource use and emissions. City planners have recognized the need to advance higher density, mixed use, inclusive, walkable, bikeable and public transport-oriented cities. Accordingly, sustainable and energy -efficient cities, low carbon, with renewable energy at scale are re – informing decision making on the built environment. Despite shifts in planning thought, whereby compact cities and densification strategies have entered mainstream urban planning practice, the market has resisted such approaches and consumer tastes have persisted for low -density residential land. Developers of suburbia and exurbia continue to subdivide land and build housing, often creating single purpose communities. The new urbanists have criticized the physical patterns of subu rban develop ment and car -dependent subdivisions that separate malls, workspaces and residential uses by highways and arte rial roads. City leaders and planning professionals have responded and greatly enhanced new community design standards. smart growth is an approach to planning that focuses on rejuvenating inner city areas and older suburbs, remediating brown -fields and, where new suburbs are developed, designing them to be town centered, transit and pedestrian -oriented, less automobile dependent and with a mix of housing, commercial and retail uses drawing on cleaner energy and green technologies. Figure 7.29 Separated bike lanes help make cycling feel safe and attractive to more people, including novice riders, women, children, and the elderly. ( By Paul Krueger – Flickr: Hornby Separated Bike Lane, CC BY 2.0, Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 231 The tension in planning practice needs to be better acknowledged and further discussed if sustainable cities are to be realized. The forces that continue to dr ive the physical form of many cities, despite the best inten tions of planning, present challenges that need to be at the forefront of any discuss ion on the sustainable develop ment goals of cities. Some pertinent issues, which suggest the need for rethinkin g past patterns of urbanization and addressing them urgently include: 1. Competing jurisdictions between cities, towns and surrounding peri -urban areas whereby authorities compete with each other to attract suburban develop ment 2. The true costs to the economy and to society of frag mented land use and car- dependent spatial develop ment; and 3. How to come up with affordable alternatives to accom modate the additional 2.5 billion people that would reside in cities by 2050. In reality, it is especially these outer suburbs, edge cities and outer city nodes in larger city regions where new economic growth and jobs are being created and where much of thi s new population will be accom modated, if infill projects and planned extensions are not de signed. While densification strategies and more robust compact city planning in existing city spaces will help absorb a portion of this growth, the key challenge facing planners is how to accommodate new growth beyond the existing core and suburbs. This wi ll largely depend on local governments’ ability to overcome fragmentation in local political institutions, and a more coherent legislation and governance framework, which addresses urban com plexities spread over different administrative boundaries. 7.10 C ities and Sustainability While there are numerous definitions of sustainable development , many start with the definition provided in the 1987 B rundtland report: “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.” T he goals for sustainable cities are grounded on a similar understanding — urban development which strives to meet the essential needs of all, without overstepping the limitations of the natural environment. A sustainable city has to achieve a dynamic balance among economic, environmental and socio -cultural development goals, framed within a local governance syst em characterized by deep citizen involvement and inclusiveness. A core component of a sustainable cities is sustainable infrastructure — the interconnected physical and organi zational structure, set of services and systems that support the daily functionin g of a society and its economy. Sustainable infrastructure is that which is designed, developed, maintained, reused, and operated in a way that ensures minimal strain on resources, the environment and the economy. It contrib utes to enhanced public health a nd welfare, social equity, and d iversity. Investment in sustainable infrastructure is pivotal in planning for the sustainable development of cities. Despite the importance of urban infrastructure, there is a clear under- Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 232 investment as characterized by the backlog and state of deficient infrastructure. Globally, $57 trillion is needed for infrastructure investment between 2013 and 2030 in order to support eco nomic growth and urbanization. T his is of particular concern with regard to developed countries, where many large cities experience serious congestion, and to developing countries, where impr oved basic socioeconomic condi tions have been long overdue. As a factor of inclusion and integration, urban mobility has a specific transformative role. Urban mobili ty is a multidimensional concept, encapsulating the multitude of physical components pertaining to urban transport (air, road, and rail systems, waterways, light and heavy rail, cable cars) including the economic, environmental and social dimensions of mob ility. Sustainable urban mobility provides efficient access to goods, services, job markets, social connections and activities while limiting both short and long -term adverse consequences on social, economic, and environmental services and systems. A susta inable mobility strategy serves to protect the health of users and the environment, while fostering and promoting the city’s economic prosperity. City dwellers are negatively impacted by inadequate and inefficient public transit Figure 7.30 Map of the Tokyo subway systems (By User: (WT -shared) Dguillaime at wts wikivoyage, Public Domain, ) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 233 systems; low-density development; urban sprawl; and by the gro wing distance between residents and their place of employment, markets, education and health facilities. Although faced with enormous challenges, behavioral, technological and political shifts, cities remain at the forefront of transformative changes to im prove quality of life through investing in connected, sustainable urban mobility . An evolving trend is the cultural shift away from auto -dependency. Singapore, Hong Kong and Tokyo (Figure 7.30) are examples of cities where the costs of car ownership and use have been set high and planning strategies have emphasized development patterns oriented to transit, walking and cycling. In E urope and in the US, the popularity of the share economy has allowed people to move to more walkable, livable urban communities. Consequently, urban space is being reimagined, leading to denser and greener cities, enhanced flow of traffic, improved walk ability, and in creased use of public transit. This shift could catalyze reinvestment in public transport and a reduction in automobile subsidies, while also allowing for equitable access. New mobility services and products such as e -hailing, autonomous driving, in-vehicle connectivity and car sharing systems offer multimodal, demand transportation alternatives. More compact, better -connected cities with low -carbon transport could save as much as $3 trill ion in urban infrastructure spending over the next 15 ye ars. This would simultaneously result in substantial annual returns due to energy savings, higher productivity and reduced healthcare costs. The private sector and civil society can also help city leaders advance sustainable mobility, with improvements in telecommunications technology. For instance, the Paris -based company BlaBlaCar has developed an online platform that connects passen gers with private drivers and allows them to book seats for long -distance journeys. Increased passenger numbers per car redu ce carbon emissions and improve quality of life. If the world is to achieve its sustainable development goals, and reach targets that range from eradicating poverty and social inequity, to combating climate change and ensuring a healthy and livabl e environment, global efforts in the transition to sustainable energy are pivotal. As cities represent more than 70 percent of global energy demand, they have been playing a central role in moving the sustainable energy agenda forward. The current global s hare of renewable energy supply is 11 per cent. The diversity of renewable energy resources is vast and research Figure 7.31 Light rail in Melbourne, Australia Diliff – Own work, CC BY 3.0, ) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 234 indicates a potential contribution of renewable energy reaching 60 percent of total world energy supply. While many renewable energy technologies remain more costly than conventional sources and are often site -specific, it is important to note that investment in renewable cleaner energy can reduce health impacts from air pollutants, which can severely impact quality of life and place strains on health care systems. Increasing renewable energy sources, maximizing conservation and lessening dependence on non-renewable sources of energy, particularly those most damaging and contributing to global warming, are critical steps to sustainable cities. Cities are harnes sing local capabilities to develop green technologies and renewable energy sources that enhance their ability to withstand climate -related shocks as well as boosting local economies. Governments are investing in green technologies, presenting an excellent opportunity for cities to channel their innovation capabilities into a new sector of the economy. The economies of scale and concentration of enterprises and innovation in cities make it cheaper and easier to take actions to minimize both emissions and cli mate hazards. The risks that cities are now facing as a result of climate change and natural disasters, the pressing short -falls in urban water, sanitation and waste management services, and the deteriorating quality of air and water, are being experience d in the Figure 7.30 Solar panels mounted atop street lamps in Dali. China has accumulated experience in tackling climate change that it wants to share w ith other developing countries by Asian Development Bank (CC-BY -NC -ND) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 235 context of their rapid growth. A growing international focus on resilience is a core agenda item for cities today. the increase in severe weather events and natural disasters has high lighted the need for cities to augment their ability to with – st and the disaster risks they may face, and to mitigate and respond to such risks in ways that minimize the impact of severe weather events and natural disasters on the social, environmental, and economic infrastructure of the city. Consequently, city leaders have been making significant transformative changes and investments in the resilience of their cities. Any city’s resilience to external shock relies primarily on effective institutions, governance, urban planning and infrast ructure. In this respect, the UN Office for Disaster R eduction (U NISDR) has set out a number of general practical recommen dations for urban authorities. A critical aspect of the creation of resilient cities is the construction of physical infrastructure that has the capacity to absorb the shocks and stresses created by extreme weather events. Climate change is putting pressure on infra structure that is alread y overtaxed from deferred maintenance, population growth and development.82 as municipalities plan, design, and implement sustainable infrastructure projects, they need to consider the impact of extreme weather an d natural disasters on the city’s physical infrastructure in order to build resilience. There is a growing consensus that good governance is crucial to developing, maintaining, and restoring sustainable and resilient services and social, institutional, and economic activity in cities. Many city governments are weakened due to limited power and responsibility over key public services, including planning, housing, roads and transit, water, land -use, drainage, waste management and building standards. City governments also often lack the power to raise the revenues to finance infrastructure and build more sustainable and resilient cities. When governance capacity is weak and constrained, cities are limited in their abilities to take programmatic action on climate change mitigation and adaptation. The multiple forms of risk and vulnerability in cities call for more integrated approaches, combining established policies (urban governance, planning and management) with additional policy leverage, powers and responsi bilities for local government. Sustainable, resilient and inclusive cities are often the outcome of good governance Figure 7.32 Hurricane Arthur Rodanthe Pier Hatteras Island flooding (U.S. Co ast Guard Mid – Atlantic, Public Domain) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 236 that encompasses effective leadership; land-use planning; jurisdictional coordination; inclusive citizen participation; and efficient finan cing. Strong effective leadership is critical for over – coming fragmentation across departments, multiple levels of government and investment sectors when building consensus and eliciting action on specific agendas. Land -use planning across these broad urb an regions is another key criterion for effective governance. Territorial and spatial strategies are central in addressing climate change risks and building effective mitigation and adaptation strategies. Coordination across the metropolitan area is fundamental not only in areas such as land, transport, energy, emergency preparedness, and related fiscal and funding solutions, but in addressing issues of poverty and social exclusion through innovative mechanisms of inter-territorial solidarity. Including st akeholders in the urban plan ning process is critical to creating livable, sustainable cities, where citizens are active players in determining their quality of life. Including stakeholders in the design of infrastructure, urban space and services legitimizes the urban planning process and allows cities to leverage their stakeholders’ expertise. Finance, however, can be a major imp ediment to effective governance. Municipal governments around the world are increasingly looking for new and innovative ways to finance sustainable projects. Consequently, partnership with the private sector is increasing since the private sector has capital not available to the public sector. 7.11 Sustainable Development Moving Forward On May 28th 2013, students in Istanbul, Turkey, staged a sit in protest against an urban development project to build a mall in the city’s largest green space, Gezi Park. One hundred activists were met with police opposition on May 30th, when water cannons an d tear gas were used to disperse the crowds who had gathered in front of the green space. Finally, the tents and belongings of the protestors were burned and the park was barricaded. Using the internet, the activists reached out for help and organized a massive effort to retake control of the park. The protests soon poured into the street as others, emboldened by police actions, joined the students in the park and Taksim Square. As the crowds grew, the protests soon began focusing on issues beyond develop ment and became a protest Figure 7.33 Taksim Gezi Park protests. People at Taksim Gezi Park May 2013. ( WikiMedia Commons, ) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 237 against the government of Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan, who many feel stifles democracy and opposition in the country. While the movement has largely become an anti -governme nt protest, calling for reforms and the resignation of the Prime Minister, its initial goal as a desire to preserve green space in the city, and subsequent evolution, highlights the way in which the environmental movement and democracy are entwined. Furthe r, the protestors made use of social media and technology to organize a large group of people in a short amount of time. This use of technology has become unprecedented in recent years as smart phones and the Internet helped protests to grow instantly. As in other environmental protests such as the WTO “Battle in Seattle” in 1999, the main organizers are young college aged students, showing that the environment still remains a central concern to today’s youth. Opponents of globalization fear that uncontrolled economic growth, fueled by free trade, harms the environment by causing more pollution and exhaustion of natural resources. Many of now see environmental problems as being of international concern, not just national interest—such as protection of the oceans and the atmosphere from pollution. The environment is now considered the “common heritage of mankind,” and environmental problems are increasingly the subject of international efforts because of their cross-border effects and the impossibility that just one or anew nations can solve these problems on their own. Fu rthermore, they suspect that environmental protection laws are weakened under the guise of promoting free trade by corporations and governments Figure 7.35 Activists protest policies of the World Bank in Washington, DC. (CC BY 2.5, ) Figure 7.34 A Turkish riot policeman uses tear gas as people protest against the destruction of trees in a park brought about by a pedestrian project, in Taksim Square in central İstanbul on May 28, 2013. ( Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 238 unconcerned about the negative environmental effects of commerce. In contrast, many corporations, governments, and citizens in developing countries (and some in developed countries as well) are willing to accept a certain level of environmental damage in exchange for economic well -being. They fear that environmental protection laws are really ways for developed cou ntries to prevent their goods from competing fairly. As a strategy, sustainable development recogniz es that past policies sometimes achieved development by means that could not be kept up over time. For example, in the 1990s, between 10,000 and 30,000 square kilometers a year of Brazilian rainforest were cleared, fueling rapid economic growth in farming and ranching operations. In the short term, the practice created jobs and increased food production, but environmental damage caused by the clearing made much of the newly cleared land unusable in the longer term; the net result in many cases was a negative economic outcome. Environmental protection can entail a drag on economic growth in the short -term. Industries that have to adjust to environmental regulations face disruption and higher costs, harming their competitive position. The question is what to make of this. Some argue that it may be worth slower economic growth in order to protect the environment. Others say that the free market and technological advances are the best tools to solve environmental problems and lift people out of poverty, rather t han greater regulation. The link between the environment and economic development may be more complex than that, however. In fact, in many ways, protecting the environment and promoting economic growth are complementary goals. Poverty in developing countries is a leading cause of environmental degradation. For instance, “slash-and -burn” land- clearing by subsistence farmers has been a major cause of depletion of the Amazon rainforest. Boosting economic growth may then be an effective tool to promote p rotection of the environment. This is the idea behind the sustainable development movement, which seeks to advance economic opportunities for poorer nations in environmentally friendly ways. Sustainable consumption and production is about promoting resour ce and energy efficiency, sustainable infrastructure, and providing access to basic services, green and Figure 7.36 Development and environmental protection can go hand in hand by Pandiyan (Flickr, CC – BY -NC) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 239 decent jobs and a better quality of life for all. Its implementation helps to achieve overall development plans, reduce future economic, environmental a nd social costs, strengthen economic competitiveness and reduce poverty. Sustainable consumption and production aims at “doing more and better with less,” increasing net welfare gains from economic activities by reducing resource use, degradation and pollution along the whole lifecycle, while increasing quality of life. It invo lves different stakeholders, including business, consumers, policy makers, researchers, scientists, retailers, media, and development cooperation agencies, among others. It also requires a systemic approach and cooperation among actors operating in the su pply chain, from producer to final consumer. It involves engaging consumers through awareness -raising and education on sustainable consumption and lifestyles, providing consumers with adequate information through standards and labels and engaging in sustai nable public procurement, among others.  Each year, an estimated one third of all food produced – equivalent to 1.3 billion tons worth around $1 trillion – ends up rotting in the bins of consumers and Figure 7.37 Arc of Amazon Deforestation Brazil by 2006 by Lou gold (Flickr, CC -BY-NC -SA) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 240 retailers, or spoiling due to poor transportation and harvesting practices  If people worldwide switched to energy efficient lightbulbs the world would save US$120 billion annually  Should the global population reach 9.6 billion by 2050, the equivalent of almost three planets could be required to provide the nat ural resources needed to sustain current lifestyles Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 241 Policy makers all over the world are facing similar challenges. While we certainly know that the climate will change, there is great uncertainty as to what the local or regional impacts will be and wha t will be the impacts on societies and economies. Coupled with this is often great disagreement among policy makers about underlying assumptions and priorities for action. Many decisions to be made today have long -term consequences and are sensitive to c limate conditions – water, energy, agriculture, fisheries forests, and disasters risk management. We simply can’t afford to get it wrong. However, sound decision making is possible if we use a different approach. Rather than making decisions that are opti mized to a prediction of the future, decision makers should seek to identify decisions that are sound no matter what the future brings. Such decisions are called “ robust .” For example, Metropolitan Lima already has major water challenges: shortages and a rapidly growing population with 2 million underserved urban poor. Climate models suggest that precipitation could decrease by as much as 15 percent, or increase by as much as 23 percent. The World Bank is partnering with Lima to apply tested, state -of- the -art methodologies like Robust Decision Making to help Lima identify no -regret, robust investments. These include, for example, multi -year water storage systems to manage droughts and better management of demand for water. This can help increase Lima’s long -term water security, despite an increasingly unpredictable future. With advances in transportation and information technology, even the most remote places on Earth are within reach of the traveler. In fact, tourism is now the world’s largest industry, wi th nature tourism the fastest growing service sector . Tourism in a globalized world can also pose environmental challenges. Unsustainable tourism may cause overcrowding and pressure on local infrastructure and services, and on fragile local ecosystems. Ind iscriminate tourism development can encourage intensive or inappropriate land use and contribute to coastal zone degradation. Disposal of liquid and solid wastes generated by the tourism industry may also strain the capacity of local infrastructure to trea t the additional wastes generated by tourism activities. To mitigate these economic, social, cultural and environmental impacts, the United Nations has recommended that governments rely on sustainable ecotourism, while taking into account local carrying capacity for tourism. Ecotourism is environmentally respo nsible travel to natural areas, in order to enjoy and appreciate nature (and accompanying cultural features, both past and present) that promote conservation, have a low visitor impact and provide for beneficially active socio -economic involvement of local peoples. Ecotourism is distinguished by its emphasis on conservation, education, traveler responsibility and active community participation. Specifically, ecotourism possesses the following characteristics: Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 242 • Conscientious, low -impact visitor behavior • Sensitivity towards, and appreciation of, local cultures and biodiversity • Support for local conservation efforts • Sustainable benefits to local communities • Local participation in decision -making • Educational components for both the traveler and local communities Ecotourism that establishes a suitable balance between the environmental, economic and socio -cultural aspects of tourism development, also plays an important role in conserving biodiversity. It attempts to minimize its impact on the environment and local culture so that it will be available for future generations, while contributing to generate income, employment, and the conservation of local ecosystems. By doing so, sustainable tourism maximizes the positive contribution of tourism to biodiversity cons ervation and thus to poverty reduction and the achievement of common goals towards sustainable development. Sustainable tourism provides crucial economic incentives for habitat protection. Revenues from visitor spending are often channeled back into natur e conservation or capacity building programs for local communi ties to manage protected areas. Furthermore, ecotourism can be a key vehicle in raising awareness and fostering positive behavior change for biodiversity conservation among the millions of peopl e travelling the globe every year. Figure 7.38 A new study by UBC researchers shows growth of shark to urism around the world. (The Pew Charitable Trusts; CC – BY- NC -ND) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 243 7.12 Connected Cities Over the last two decades, the transformative power of urbanization has, in part, been facilitated by the rapid deployment of Information and Communications Technology (ICT), and by a revolution in city data to inform decision -making and propel a global movement to smart cities. This has been accompanied by deeper connectivity and networking of cities and citizens at both the local and global levels. Cities have to contend with a wide range of challenges — from crime prevention, to more efficient mobility, to creating healthier environments, to more energy efficient city systems, to emergency prepared – ness among others. To address these challenges, ICT, the internet of things — or networked connections in cities and data — are deployed to improve service delivery and qua lity of life. The use of data allows cities to measure their performance and to re -inform investments in city infrastructure. Cities are increasingly relying on metrics and globally comparable city data to guide more effective and smarter city decision -making that build efficiencies in city budgets. Central to the communications revolution is the deployment of ICT in cities. High – quality infra- structure, innovation, investment, well -connected firms, efficiencies in energy a nd budgets, are often cited as ICT -driven benefits to cities. However, the potential con – sequences of this deployment are yet not well underst ood. When ICT is deployed unevenly in cities, it can create a digital divide — which can exacerbate inequality, characterized by well -connected affluent neighborhoods and business districts coexisting with under-serviced and under- connected low- income neig hborhoods. The affluent tend to have greater access to these technologies, and ICT can often serve to extend their reach and control while curbing that of the more socioeconomically marginalized residents. Over the past two decades, the growth and expansi on of mobile networks has been extensive (Figure 7 .39) and overtaken most predictions, changing the course of development for the Figure 7.39 Global ICT developments, 2005 -2015 by ITU World Telecom (Public domain) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 244 post 2015 era. According to the Eriksson mobility report, the total number of mobile sub scriptions in the third quarter of 2015 was 7.3 billion, with 87 million new subscriptions. For the vast majority of low -income population in developing countries, mobile telephony is likely to be the sole connectivity channel.88 although an affordable and reliable internet is not yet a reality for the majority of people in the world, the network, both in terms of infrastructure and content, has grown rapidly since inception, spurring enormous inno vation, diverse network expansion, and increased user engagement in a virtuous circle of growth. The number of internet users stood at one billion in 2005 and two billion in 2010, reaching over three billion by 2015. As a transformative force, the deployment of IC T in cities supports innovation and poverty eradication, by promoting efficiencies in urban infrastructure leading to lower cost city services. In some cases, urban economies are able to leapfrog stages of development by deploying new technologies in the i nitial construction of infrastructure. Cities like Hong Kong and Singapore are notable examples of economies that were able to make this leap by digitizing their infrastructure. Shows how the city of Kigali in Rwanda is providing internet connectivity to its residents via the public bus system. In 2010, Curitiba, Brazil was the first city in the world to connect public buses to a 3g mobile -broadband network. Such innovation opened up new possibilities for traveler services that helped commuters plan their route and enabled them to purchase tickets wherever and whenever it is most convenient.91 Cities worldwide, such as Chicago, London, and Vancouver are implementing digital inclusion programs to ensure that all citizens have the tools to thrive in an increa singly digitalized world. As cities depend increasingly on electronic information and technology for their functioning and service delivery, city leaders are proceeding with caution to avoid an unequal distribution of ICT and to examine ways to bridge the digital divide. The ever -increasing application of data and the internet of things is supporting a much more collaborative relationship between city governments, citizens, and businesses. This trend is driving the smart cities phenomenon worldwide. The de finition of a smart city continues to evolve, but a consistent component is the application of ICT and the internet of things to address urban challenges. Many conceptual frameworks of smart cities also consider sustainability, innovation, and governance a s important components in addition to the application of ITC. The international telecommunication Union defines a smart sustainable city as “an innovative city that uses information and communication technologies and other means to improve quality of life, efficiency of urban operation and services, and competitiveness, while ensuring that it meets the needs of present and future generations with respect to economic, social, environmental as well as cultural aspects.” A smart city can guide better decision -making with respect to prosperity, susta inability, resilience, emer gency management, or effective and equitable service delivery. The city of Rio de Janeiro collaborated with IBM , to create a municipal operations center that combines data and information from city and state agencies, Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 245 and private utility and transportation companies to collaborate on logistics and management challenges. the city, faced with growing concerns in flooding and traffic gridlock, can now monitor data and provide citizens with imp ortant information via mobile phones and other warning systems.105 Barcelona is a leading smart ci ty for its application of inno vative solutions aimed at improving city services and the quality of life of its citizens. Barcelona’s smart city model aims “to use ICT in orde r to transform the business pro cesses of public administration…to be more accessible, efficient, effective and transparent.” Singapore has also been at the forefront of the smart city movement; its smart nation program seeks to harness ICT , networks and data to support better living, create more opp ortunities, and to support stronger communities.107 Singapore was the first city in the world to introduce conges tion pricing and now by using more advanced systems, can analyze traffic data in real time to adjust prices.108 technology solutions and the effective use of data are pro- viding city leadership with new tools and opportunities for effective change. E stimates show that the global smart city market will grow by 14 per cent annually, fr om US $506.8 billion in 2012 to US $1.3 trillion in 2019. over the next two decades, city governments in the US will invest approximately US $41 trillion to upgrade their infrastructure and take advantage of the internet of things.110 With China’s cities p rojected to grow by 350 million people over the next 20 years, investment in smart cities is expected to exceed US $159 billion in 2015 and US $320 billion by 2014, India announced plans to build 100 smart cities in response to the country’s growing popula tion and pressure on urban infrastructure.112 in order to realize the potential of ICT towards sustainable develop ment, an enabling environment has to be created, with participatory governance models, the right infrastructure and technical platforms, including capacity building, ensuring inclusion and bridging the digital divide. Figure 7.40 A panoramic view of Barcelona – a leader in the Smart City movement ( By Oliver -Bonjoch – Own work, CC BY -SA 3.0, ) Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 246 Reflection Questions: 1.What are the conveniences of living in a city? 2. How does the US define a city or town as urban’? In what ways does this definition not succeed? 3. Identify the two basic casual forces at work that help contribute to the rise of cities. 4. Explain the relationship between the cities and the hinterland. 5. In what ways has the development of transportation helped to evolve the urban landscape? 6. What might lead to the creation of primate c ities and why do some countries not have them? 7. Describe the different models for internal city structure and how they are used by geographers to understand urban development. 8. What are some challenges associated with the ever- growing megacities? 9. In what way s is the process of gentrification beneficial to slums? In what ways is it detrimental? 10. How did deinstitutionalization and Reagan’s policies around privatizing mental care facilities effect the homeless population? 11. How can urban -planning help to evolve the negative aspects of mega -cities? Key AP Terms Site Zones of influence brown fields Situation Urban hierarchy low -income residential areas Historical distribution of cities Landscape of cities census Current distribution of cities Internal structure of cities field work Christaller’s central place theory Urban land use city models of N. America Rank -size rule Ethnic segregation Hoyt sector model Gravity model Intracity transportation Harris -Ullman multiple nuclei Urban growth Architectural traditions Burgess concentric zone model Migration (rural to urban) environmental justice Galactic city model Latin American model New urbanism Edge cities Sub -Saharan Africa model Transit -oriented development Reduced energy use Southeast Asian model Gentrification Urban development Housing finance Sustainable urban planning Walkable cities Spatial patterns Bikeways New urbanism Comparative urbanization Practice FRQ Over the past 150 years, railroad and highway systems influenced patterns of urban growth in the United States. A. Identify and explain one way that railroads affected the size and one way that railroads affected the form of cities in the United States between 1870 and 1920. B. Identify and explain two ways that the Interstate High way System affected cities in the United States Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 247 CH 7 Notes Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 248 CH 7 Notes Human Geography Cities and Urban Land Use 249 CH 7 Notes Human Geography 2 50 Table of Figures FIGURE 1.1 RECONSTRUCTION OF ERATOSTHENES ’ MAP OF THE KNOWN WORLD , C. 194 BCE (COURTESY OF E. H. BUNBURY , A HISTORY OF ANCIENT GEOGRAPHY AMONG THE GREEKS AND ROMANS FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TILL THE FALL OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE , 1883, PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………… 3 FIGURE 1.2 LINES OF LATITUDE AND LONGITUDE (DJEXPLO , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… ……. 4 FIGURE 1.3 MERCATOR PROJECTION (COURTESY OF DANIEL R. STREBE , WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) ……………………………………………… 5 FIGURE 1.4 WINKEL TRIPEL PROJECTION (COURTESY OF DANIEL R. STREBE , WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) …………………………………………. 6 FIGURE 1.5 MAP OF GLOBAL TECTONIC PLATE BOUNDARIES (UNITED STATES GEOLOGICAL SURVEY , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………. 7 FIGURE 1.6 TYPES OF TECTONIC PLATE BOUNDARIES (UNITED STATES GEOLOGICAL SURVEY , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) …………………………….. 8 FIGURE 1.7 WORLD MAP OF KÖPPEN CLIMATE CLASSIFICATIONS (COURTESY OF ALI ZIFAN , WIKI- MEDIA COMMONS ) …………………….. 9 FIGURE 1.8 MEAN LAND -OCEAN SURFACE TEMPERATURE INDEX , 1880 TO PRESENT (NASA, PUBLIC DOMAIN …………………………….. 9 FIGURE 1.9 MAP OF GLOBAL POPULATION CLUSTERS (IMAGE ADAPTED FROM COCOLIRAS , WIKI- MEDIA COMMONS ) ……………………. 10 FIGURE 1.10 MAP OF COUNTRIES BY BIRTH RATE , 2014 (COURTESY OF ALI ZIFAN , WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) ……………………………… 11 FIGURE 1.11 DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION MODEL (COURTESY OF MAX ROSER , WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) …………………………………… 12 FIGURE 1.12 : MAP OF RELIGIOUS REGIONS IN EUROPE AND SOUTHWEST ASIA (COURTESY OF SAGUAMUNDI , WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) . 13 FIGURE 1.13 MAP OF LOS ANGELES METRO AREA (COURTESY OF KMUSSER , WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) ……………………………………… 14 FIGURE 1.14 MAP OF THE US “SOUTH ” PERCEPTUAL REGION (COURTESY OF QZ10, WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) ……………………………. 14 FIGURE 1.15 MAP OF WORLD REGIONS (IMAGE ADPATED FROM COGITO ERGO SUMO , WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) …………………………. 15 FIGURE 1.16 SIGN WELCOMING PEOPLE ENTERING PERU FROM ECUADOR (COURTESY OF VAN- ISHED _USER _J123 KMQWFK 56 JD, WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………. 16 FIGURE 1.17 PERCENTAGE OF PEOPLE LIVING ON LESS THAN $2.00 PER DAY (UN ESTIMATES , 2007- 2008) (COURTESY OF TONY 0106, WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………. 17 FIGURE 1.18 USA NATIONAL GAS TEMPERATURE MAP MAY 7, 2009 BY GASBUDDY ORGANIZATION INC. (W IKIMEDIA , VERIFIED PERMISSION HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .ORG /WIKI /FILE:GAS_P RICE _TEMPERATURE _M AP.PNG ) ………………………….. 19 FIGURE 1.19 TOPOGRAPHICAL MAP OF CONTINENTAL US BY NATIONALATLAS.GOV (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………….. 21 FIGURE 1.20 A CHOROPLETH MAP (TOP ) AND A DASYMETRIC MA P (BOTTOM ) OF THE POPULATION OF MIAMI AREA IN 2010 BY UNITED STATES GEOLOGICAL SURVEY (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………… 22 FIGURE 1.21 GOOGLE PLUS DEMOGRAPHICS INFOGRAPHIC – EXAMPLES OF THE KIN D OF DATA BEING COLL ECTED ABOUT YOU WHICH CAN BE MAPPED BY STATUS ENGAGE (FLIKR , CC- BY) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………… 23 FIGURE 1.22 GPS – HOW IT WORKS BY FAA. GOV (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… ……………. 24 FIGURE 1.23 REMOTE SATELLITES CIRCLE THE EARTH BY NASA (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… 24 FIGURE 1.24 REMOTE SENSING OF CONFLICT IN IRAQ BY DEVELOPMENT SEED (FLICKR , CC-BY) ………………………………………………. 25 FIGURE 2.1 REMOTEST PLACES ON EARTH – EACH GRID CELL ON T HE MAP IS RELATED TO THE SAME AMOUNT OF SPACE IN THE PHYSICA L WORLD . THE SIZE OF THE GRID REFLECTS ITS ACCESSI BILITY , AS MEASURED BY TH E TIME IT TAKES TO T RAVEL TO THE NEAREST CITY OVER LAND . THE LARGER A GRID CEL L , THE LONGER IT TAKES TO GET TO THE NEAREST CITY . (BENJAMIN HENNIG HTTP :// WWW .VIEWSOFTHEWORLD .NET / PERMISSIONS GRANTED ) ……………………………………………………………… ……….. 30 FIGURE 2.2 POPULATION DENSITY (PEOPLE PER KM 2) MAP OF THE WORLD IN 1994. RED AND PINK AREAS DENOTE REGIONS OF HIGH EST POPULATION DENSITY B Y USDA (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… ………………………….. 31 FIGURE 2.3 A MAP OF THE POPULATI ON DENSITY OF THE UNITED STATES DOWN TO COUNTY LEVEL BASED ON 2010 CENSUS DATA (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………. 32 FIGURE 2.4 POPULATION PROFILES (COURTESY WIKIPEDIA COMMONS ) ……………………………………………………………… ………….. 33 FIGURE 2.5 CRUDE BIRTH RATES 2007 (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… ………….. 34 FIGURE 2.6 GAINS IN LIFE EXPECTANCY ARE MAKING SOCIAL SECURITY AND MEDICAL PROGRAMS MORE IMPORT ANT THAN EVER FOR THE WELL -BEING OF THE ELDERLY . (2004, UNITED NATIONS WORLD POPULATION PROSPECTS ) …………………………………………… 35 FIGURE 2.7 DEMOGRAPHIC TRANSITION MODEL (W IKIPEDIA COMMONS , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) …………………………………………………. 37 FIGURE 2.8 INDIAN GIRLS MAKING TEA IN THE VILLAGE OF THAN GAON (W IKIMEDIA COMMONS ) …………………………………………… 38 FIGURE 2.9 GRAPH OF EXPONENTIAL POPULATION GROWTH (BY CLEVERCAPYBARA , CC BY ………………………………………………….. 39 FIGURE 2.10 POPULATION AND THE PLANET BY CARLOS OMAR GARCIA PASCUAL (CC BY NC SA) ………………………………………….. 40 Human Geography 2 51 FIGURE 2.11 THIS MAP ILLUSTRATES THE MIGRATION OF HUMANITY ACROSS THE EARTH WITH ALL MOVEMENT ORIGINATING IN AFRICA AND WITH THE ESTIMAT ED DATES OF ARRIVAL SHOWN AT KEY DIRECTI ONS AND LOCATIONS . (BENJAMIN HENNIGHTTP :// WWW .VIEWSOFTHEWORLD .NET / PERMISSIONS GRANTED ) ……………………………………………………………… 43 FIGURE 2.12 CLICK ON THE PICTURE TO SEE A SHORT VIDEO FROM THE FAMINE EARLY WARNING SYSTEM REGARDING CONDITIONS IN EAST AFRICA ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………… 44 FIGURE 2.13 KOSOVO REFUGEES FLEEING THEIR HOMELAND IN THE BLACE AREA , THE FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA (UNITED NATIONS , CC-BY0NC -SA) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………… 45 FIGURE 2.14 CIRCULAR PLOT OF MIGRATION FLOWS BETWEEN AND WITHIN WORLD REGIONS 2005-2010. TICK MARKS SHOW THE NUMBER OF MIGRANTS (INFLOWS AND OUTFLOWS ) IN MILLIONS . ONLY FLOWS CONTAINING AT LEAST 170,000 MIGRANTS ARE SHOWN . ( CREDIT : ABEL ET A L . 2014, SCIENCE /AAAS) ……………………………………………………………… ……………………. 45 FIGURE 2.15 HYDROLOGISTS TYPICALLY ASSESS SCARCITY BY LOOKING AT THE POPU LATION -WATER EQUATION . AN AREA IS EXPERIENCING WATER STRESS WHEN ANNUAL WATER SUPPLI ES DROP BELOW 1,700 M3 PER PERSON . WHEN ANNUAL WATER SUP PLIES DROP BELOW 1,000 M3 PER PERSON , THE POPULATION (W ORLD WATER DEVELOPMENT REPORT 4 . WORLD WATER ASSESSMENT PROGRAMME (WWAP), MARCH 2012) ……………………………………………………………… ………….. 46 FIGURE 3.1 WOULD A VISITOR FRO M THE SUBURBAN UNITED STATES ACT AND FEEL ON THIS CROWDED TOKYO TRAIN ? (PHOTO COURTESY OF SIMONGLUCAS /FLICKR ) ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………….. 51 FIGURE 3.2 MATERIAL CULTURE : WOULD YOU KNOW WHAT THESE ITEMS ARE USED FOR ? (THE C-SHAPED JADE DRAGON OF HONGSHAN ; NORWEGIAN SMELLING SALT CONTAINER ; TRADITIONAL MOROCCAN SHOES CALLED “BABOUCHES “; COURTESY OF WIK IMEDIA COMMONS ). ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………….. 52 FIGURE 3.3 THIS WORLD MAP OF RELIGIONS SHOWS SEVERAL CULTURE REGIONS . THE HINDU CULTURE REGION IN SOUTH ASIA IS AN EXAMPLE . (COURTESY WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) ……………………………………………………………… ………………………………. 56 FIGURE 3.4 LANGUAGE CULTURE MAP OF EUROPE (BY ANDREI NACU CC BY-SA 3.0, WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) …………………………… 57 FIGURE 3.6 AMERICAN SUBURBIA (BY CHRISTOPHER CHAPPELEAR CC BY 2.0 -FLICKR ) ……………………………………………………….. 58 FIGURE 3.6 RESIDÊNCIAS (BY HUGO MARTINS CC BY 2.0 -FLICKR )……………………………………………………………… ……………….. 58 FIGURE 3.7 EARLY INDIAN LANGUAGES OF THE USA (USGS, PUBLIC DOMAIN , CURTESY OF WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) ……………………. 59 FIGURE 3.8 HONG KONG BISTRO , CHINATOWN INTERNATIONAL DISTRICT , SEATTLE (BY CURTIS CRONN , CC BY, FLICKR ) ………………… 59 FIGURE 3.9 MCDONALDS IN NIGERIA IS AN EXAMPLE OF CULTURAL DIFFUSI ON . AMERICAN RESTAURANTS CAN BE FOUND ALL OVER THE WORLD (COURTESY OF ALFA -IMG , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………. 60 FIGURE 3.10 AMISH SETTLEMENT DATA – WHAT EVIDENCE OF DI FFUSION DO YOU SEE ? (ESRI, CC-BY) ……………………………………… 62 FIGURE 3.11 AMISH COUNTRY NEAR ARTHUR , ILLINOIS BY DANIEL SCHWEN (FLICKR , SS-BY -SA) ……………………………………………. 63 FIGURE 3.12 DEUTSCH : AMISH BY KIWI DEAPI (CC-SA) ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………. 63 FIGURE 3.13 TWO AMISH GIRLS IN TRADITIONAL ATTIRE , LANCASTER COUNTY (W IKIMEDIA , GDFL) ………………………………………… 63 FIGURE 3.14 HUMAN SKIN COLOR DISTRIBUTION IN 1940 (BY DARK TICHONDRIA , ENGLISH LANGUAGE WIKIPEDIA , CC BY-SA) ……….. 65 FIGURE 3.15 BLOOD TYPE A WORLD DISTRIBUTION (M UNTUWANDI , EN .WIKIPEDIA , CC- BY-SA) …………………………………………….. 66 FIGURE 3.16 WORLD MAP WITH THE SIX MAJOR US CENSUS RACIAL DEFIN ITIONS (BY THE OFFICE OF MANAGEMENT AND BUDGET WIKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… ………………………………………………….. 67 FIGURE 3.17 AMERICAN CARTOON OF JOHN BULL (ENGLAND ) AS AN IMPERIAL OCTOPUS WITH ITS ARMS (WITH HANDS ) IN – OR CONTEMPLATING BEING IN – VARIOUS REGIONS (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) …………………………………………………………. 68 FIGURE 3.18 CENSUS 2000 DATA ANCESTRY BY COUNTY (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………. 69 FIGURE 3.19 2010 CENSUS DATA – ANCESTRY BY COUNTY IN FLORIDA AND VIRGINIA (THESOUTHERNHISTORIAN 45 – PUBLIC DOMAIN , CC BY-SA 3.0) ……………………………………………………………… ………………………………………………………………………… 70 FIGURE 3.20 GENTRIFICATION OF VICTORIAN TERRACES , BOLTON RD THE STONE CLADDING & DOUBLE GLAZING ARE A CLEAR SIGN OF GENTRIFICATION . (BY NIGEL CHADWICK , CC BY -SA 2.0) ……………………………………………………………… …………………… 71 FIGURE 3.21 ARTISTIC ILLUSTRATION OF THE LANGUAGE TREE DEPICTING THE CO NNECTIONS BETWEEN INDO -EUROPEAN AND URALIC LANGUAGES (COURTESY OF TOM WRIGLEY , FLICKR , CC BY -NC -SA) CLICK THE IMAGE FOR A MORE COMPLETE VERSI ON OF THIS LANGUAGE TREE . HTTP :// WWW .SSSSCOMIC .COM /COMIC .PHP ?PAGE =196 ……………………………………………………………… 72 FIGURE 3.22 BY ERIK HERSMAN , (FLICKR , CC -BY) HTTP :// TRAVEL .NATIONALGEOGRAPHIC .COM /TRAVEL /ENDURING -VOICES / ………… 75 FIGURE 3.23 DIFFUSION OF THE MAJO R RELIGIONS FROM THEIR H EARTHS (W IKIMEDIA , CC-BY) …………………………………………….. 77 Human Geography 2 52 FIGURE 3.24 THE TEMPLE OVER THE SPOT WHERE LORD BUDDHA WAS BORN , AND THE POOL WHERE IT IS BELIEVED THAT HIS MOTHER BATHED JUST AFTER . PHOTO : WES OLSON (IMPORT FROM WIKITRAVE L .ORG /SHARED ) …………………………………………………. 78 FIGURE 3.25 WORSHIPPERS FLOOD THE GRAND MOSQUE , ITS ROOF , AND ALL THE AREAS A ROUND IT DURING NIGH T PRAYERS IN MECCA (BY AL JAZEERA ENGLISH HTTP :// WWW .FLICKR .COM /PEOPLE /[email protected]) ……………………………………………………. 79 FIGURE 3.26 A CHRISTIAN CHURCH IN BANGKOK (BY RUNAKO – HTTP :// WWW .FLICKR .COM /PHOTOS /RUNAKO /133174688/, CC BY 2.0) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………. 79 FIGURE 4.1 GEOPOLITICAL MAP OF MACKINDER ‘S HEARTLAND THEORY (BY ARNOPETERS – OWN WORK , CC BY-SA 3.0) ………………. 85 FIGURE 4.2 MAP OF FEDERAL AND UNITARY STATES (COURTESY OF LOKAL PROFIL , WIKIMEDIA COMMONS ) ………………………………. 87 FIGURE 4.3 ADMINISTRATIVE DIVISION OF MODERN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA BY PANONIAN (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) …………………….. 88 FIGURE 4.4 WORLD POLITICAL MAP 2015 BY US CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY ‘S WORLD FACT BOOK (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………. 89 FIGURE 4.5 STATE LINE BETWEEN ARKANSAS AND TENNESSEE FORMERLY FO LLOWED THE MISSISSIPPI RIVER (HTTP :// GLOVIS .USGS .GOV )91 FIGURE 4.6 WHY WOULD THIS MAP BE BANNED IN INDIA ? (CC- BY-SA ARUN GANESH , NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF DESIGN BANGALORE ) … 92 FIGURE 4.7 THE STRAIT OF JUAN DE FUCA BY THE SEAWIFS PROJECT , NASA/G ODDARD SPACE FLIGHT CENTER (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ….. 92 FIGURE 4.8 MAP OF POTENTIAL SEPA RATIST REGIONS IN EUROPE . SOURCE : EUROPEAN FREE ALLIANCE …………………………………….. 93 FIGURE 4.9 STATIC MAP OF YUGOSLAVIA IN 1989. CLICK TO SEE ANIMATED LOOP OF THE DISSOLU TION OF THE COUNTRY OVER A PERIOD OF 20 YEARS . (W IKIMEDIA CC- SA) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………….. 95 FIGURE 4.10 DEADLIEST TERROR GROUPS , 2013-2015 (INSTITUTE FOR ECONOMICS AND PEACE )………………………………………….. 96 FIGURE 4.11 LARGEST INCREASE IN TERRORIST RELATED DEATH 2014-2015 (INSTITUTE FOR ECONOMI CS AND PEACE ) ………………… 97 FIGURE 4.12 WORST TERRORIST ATTAC K IN AFGHANISTAN IN 2015 WAS TARGETED AT LET TING COMBATANTS OUT OF PRISON (INSTITUTE FOR ECONOMICS AND PEACE ) ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………. 97 FIGURE 4.13 TOP LOCATIONS FOR ISIS TWEETERS (W IKIMEDIA , CC- BY) ……………………………………………………………… ………… 98 FIGURE 4.14 MAJOR SOURCES OF REVENUE FOR ISIL (INSTITUTE FOR ECONOMICS AND PEACE ) ……………………………………………… 99 FIGURE 4.15 INCREASE IN WORLD -WIDE TERRORISM SINCE 2000 (INSTITUTE FOR ECONOMICS AND PEACE ) ……………………………….. 99 FIGURE 4.16 THE GDP OF RUSSIA SINCE 1989 (W IKIMEDIA , CC- YY-SA) ……………………………………………………………… …….. 100 FIGURE 4.17 LOCATIONS WITH ETHNIC AND MILITARY TIES T O RUSSIA BY MWMBWLS (FLICKR CC-BY-NO$ -SA) ………………………… 101 FIGURE 4.18 NORTH CAROLINA ‘S 12 TH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT IS AN EXAMPLE OF PACKING . THE DISTRICT HAS PRED OMINANTLY AFRICAN -AMERICAN RESIDENTS WH O VOTE FOR DEMOCRATS . (W IKIMEDIA PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ………………………………………. 102 FIGURE 4.19 THE LEFT DIAGRAM REPRESENTS COMPETITIVELY DRAWN DISTRICTS . THE MIDDLE DEMONSTRAT ES THE PACKING TECHNIQUE AND THE RIGHTMOST DE MONSTRATES THE CRACK ING TECHNIQUE . (W IKIMEDIA CC- SA) ……………………………………………… 103 FIGURE 4.20C OMMONWEALTH REALMS , REPUBLICS AND MONAR CHIES (W IKIMEDIA COMMONS , CC-SA) ……………………………….. 105 FIGURE 4.21 PROTEST AGAINST THE G8- MEETING IN HEILIGENDAMM , 2007 (W IKIMEDIA , BY HERDER 3, CC -BY -SA) …………………. 106 FIGURE 5.1 MAP SHOWING CENTERS O F ORIGIN OF AGRICULTURE AND ITS SPREAD : THE FERTILE CRESCENT (11,000 BP), THE YANGTZE AND YELLOW RIVER BASINS (9,000 BP) AND THE NEW GUINEA HIGHLANDS (9,000– 6,000 BP), CENTRAL MEXICO (5,000– 4,000– 3,000 BP) BY JOEY ROW (CC BY) ……………………………………………………………… ………………………………….. 112 FIGURE 5.2 EXCHANGE OF PLANTS , ANIMALS AND DISEASE KNOWN AS THE COLUMBIAN EXCHANGE BY C. HWA (FLICKR , CC- BY-N O$-SA) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………… .. 113 FIGURE 5.3 SUBSISTENT FARMING IN YUNNAN PROVINCE , SOUTHERN CHINA BY JIALIANG GAO (W IKIMEDIA , CC- BY-SA) ……………… 114 FIGURE 5.4 DEFORESTATION FOR PALM OIL PLANTATION BY ADP ARTNERS (W IKIMEDIA CC-BY-SA) ……………………………………… 115 FIGURE 5.5 IN JAMMU & KASHMIR , THESE NOMADIC PEOPL E ARE COW /BUFFALO HERDERS AND GOAT /SHEEP HERDERS BY LAPORTECHICAGO (W IKIMEDIA , CC-BY) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………….. 116 FIGURE 5.6 COMMERCIAL FARMING BY SKEEZE (PIXABAY , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… …… 116 FIGURE 5.7 JOHANN HEINRICH VON THÜNEN ‘S MODEL OF AGRICULTURAL DISTRIBUTION AROUND A CITY IN CONCENTRIC CIRCLES (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………….. 118 FIGURE 5.8 VON THÜNEN MODEL , LEFT – MODIFIED BY A RIVER , RIGHT BY GEORGE VAN OTTEN AND DENNIS BELLAFIORE (HTTPS :// WWW .E-EDUCATION .PSU .EDU /GEOG 5 97 I_02/ NODE /744) ……………………………………………………………… …. 119 FIGURE 5.9F ALL VIEW OF THE WILLAMETTE VALLEY , IN NORTHERN POLK COUNTY , OREGON , NEAR BETHEL BY RVANNATTA (W IKIMEDIA , CC- BY-SA) ……………………………………………………………… ………………………………………………………………………. 120 Human Geography 2 53 FIGURE 5.10 CORN AND HOG FARM ALONG COUNTRY ROAD . LIBRARY OF CONGRESS PRINTS & PHOTOGRAPHS DIVISION WASHINGTON , DC: DIGITAL HTTP :// HDL .LOC .GOV /LOC .PNP /FSA .8C17124 REPRODUCTI ON NUMBER : LC-USF34 -060620-D (B&W FILM NEG .) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………… .. 121 FIGURE 5.11 19 TH CENTURY DELIVERY CART POWERHOUSE MUSEUM FROM SYDNEY , AUSTRALIA (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ….. 122 FIGURE 5.12 REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF LAND USE AND COVER (FAO, SOLAW) ………………………………………………………….. 123 FIGURE 5.13 GLOBAL LAND USE IN 2012 (UNITED NATIONS FOOD AND AGRICULTURE ORGANIZATION , GLOBAL AGRO -ECOLOGICAL ZONE DATA , CC-BY) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………… 124 FIGURE 5.14 EVOLUTION OF LAND UNDER IRRIGATED AND RAIN FED CROPPING (1961– 2008) (FA-SOLAW) …………………………… 124 FIGURE 5.15 SWEET CORN . THIS VARIETY OF MAIZE IS CONSUMED DIRECTL Y BY HUMANS , UNLIKE FIELD CORN WHICH IS GENERALLY PROCESSED INTO FLOUR S , SYRUPS OR USED FOR ANIMAL FEED . (W IKIMEDIA , CC- BY) …………………………………………………. 127 FIGURE 5.16 FIELD CORN IS THE MOST COMMON CROP IN THE US, AND RANKS ONLY BEHIND WHEAT A ND RICE WORLDWIDE . (W IKIMEDIA , CC-BY) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………… 128 FIGURE 5.17 FARMS RECEIVING FEDERAL FARM SUBSIDIES . NOTICE THE AMOUNT OF FARMS RECEIVING MONE Y IN CORN PRODUCING STATES . (USDA, PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………. 128 FIGURE 5.18 US SUGAR PRODUCTION . WHAT CONCLUSIONS CAN YOU MAKE WHEN COMPARING THIS WITH FIGURE 5.15? (US SUGAR ALLIANCE , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………… 129 FIGURE 5.19 PERCENT OF OBESE ADULTS AND NUMBER OF FAS T FOOD RESTAURANTS IN EACH STATE 2011. BY LUKE B4 ULEAP (W IKIMEDIA , CC-BY) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………… 130 FIGURE 5.20 MILK PRODUCTION IS SHIFTING TO LARGER HERDS (USDA, PUBLIC DOMAIN DATA ) ………………………………………….. 131 FIGURE 5.21 ON AVERAGE , LAGER FARMS HAVE LA RGER PROFITS . (USDA, PUBLIC DOMAIN DATA ) ……………………………………….. 131 FIGURE 5.22 ADVERTISEMENT BY THE WISCONSIN FARMERS UNIT (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………….. 132 FIGURE 5.23 ANNUAL APPLE PRODUCTION US VS . WASHINGTON (USDA, PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ………………………………………………. 134 FIGURE 5.24 WORLD AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION (FAO, PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… …. 135 FIGURE 5.25 NET FOOD EXPORTS 2014 (THE ATLAS OF ECONOMIC COMPLEXITY , CC-BY) ………………………………………………….. 136 FIGURE 5.26 WORLD HUNGER 2015 – UNDERNOURISHMENT MEANS THAT A PERSON IS NOT ABLE TO ACQUIRE E NOUGH FOOD TO MEET THE DAILY MINIMUM DI ETARY ENERGY REQUIREMENTS , OVER A PERIOD OF ONE YEAR (FAO, PUBLIC DOMAIN DATA ) ……………. 137 FIGURE 5.27 WOMEN FARMERS AT WORK IN THEIR VEGETABLE PLOTS NEAR KULLU TOWN , HIMACHAL PRADESH , INDIA . PREVIOUSLY THE AREA WAS A MAJOR PRO DUCER OF HIGH -VALUE APPLES , BUT RISING TEMPERAT URES IN THE LAST FEW DECADES HAVE FORCED ALMOST ALL APPLE PRO DUCERS THERE TO ABAN DON THEIR CROP . FOR THESE FARMERS , SWITCHING TO VEGETA BLE PRODUCTION HAS RESU LTED IN A MAJOR BOOS T IN INCOMES AND LIVELIHOODS , ILLUSTRATING THAT CLIMATE CHANGE ADAPTATION CAN BE EFFECTIV E AND HIGHLY PROFITABL E . BY NEIL PALMER (W IKIMEDIA , CC BY SA) ……………………………………………………………… ……. 138 FIGURE 5.28 THE MALTHUSIAN CATASTROPHE SIMPLISTICALLY ILLUSTRATED BY MALTHUS , (CC BY-SA) …………………………………. 140 FIGURE 5.29 GMO CROPS IN US 1996- 2016 BY USDA (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… ….. 141 FIGURE 5.30 ORGANIC FOOD SECTION IN A GROCERY STORE BY EVITAOCHEL (PIXABAY , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) …………………………………. 142 FIGURE 5.31 INSHORE MARINE FARMIN G SYSTEMS IN SHALLOW SHELTERED WATER , AS DEPICTED HERE , CAN HAVE PROBLEMS W ITH WASTE COLLECTING ON THE SE A FLOOR BY GEORGE PARARAS -CARAYANNIS (W IKIMEDIA , CC-BY) …………………………………………… 143 FIGURE 5.32 COFFEE INTERCROPPED WITH TOMATO IN DARIÉN , COLOMBIA BY NEIL PALMER (W IKIMEDIA , CC-BY-SA) ……………….. 145 FIGURE 6.1 LACE : ITS ORIGIN AND HISTORY (PUBLIC DOMAIN , HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID =18471243) ………………………………………………………….. 151 FIGURE 6.2 SPREAD OF INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION IN EUROPE BY RPBOT (I.MGUR CC-BY) ………………………………………………….. 152 FIGURE 6.3 FOOTBALL BECAME A PROFESSI ONAL SPORT IN 1885. BY THE END OF THE 19 TH CENTURY (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) . 154 FIGURE 6.4 INCREASE IN THE POPUL ATIONS OF INDUSTRIALIZED AND DEVELOPING WORLD NAT IONS FROM 1800 TO 2000 (DATA SOURCE : DATA FROM POPULATION REFERENCE BUREAU , WASHINGTON , DC 1900 DEVELOPING WORLD INDUSTRIALIZED NATION S ) ……. 155 FIGURE 6.5 COLIN CLARK ‘S SECTOR MODEL OF AN ECONOMY UNDERGOING TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE . IN LATER STAGES , THE QUATERNARY SECTOR OF THE ECONOM Y GROWS . (BY KWND , PUBLIC DOMAIN , HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID =7310360) ……………………………………………………………… . 156 Human Geography 2 54 FIGURE 6.6 1894 DURYEA GASOLINE CAR (BY UNKNOWN – “THE GROWTH OF THE AUTOMOBILE INDUSTRY IN AMERICA “, THE OUTING MAGAZINE , VOLUME 51, PAGE 212. FROM THE GOOGLE BOOKS ARCHIVE : ORIGINAL FRO M THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA , DIGITIZED JANUARY 25, 2008., PUBLIC DOMAIN , HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID =8138752 …. 157 FIGURE 6.7 WEBER LEAST COST THEORY LOCATIONAL TRIANGLE (REPRODUCED BY AUTHOR FROM ORIGINAL IMAGE BY VIKAS SUTAR ) . 158 FIGURE 6.8 WEBER ‘S LABOR DISTORTION ADJUSTMENT FOR LEAST COST THEORY (REP RODUCED BY AUTHOR FR OM ORIGINAL IMAGE BY WWW .LEWISHISTORICALSOCIE TY .COM ) ……………………………………………………………… ………………………………………. 159 FIGURE 6.9 VISUALIZING AGGLOMERATION CONCEPTS (REPRODUCED BY AUTHOR FROM ORIGINAL IMA GE BY HTTPS :// ALLGEOGRAPHYNOW .WORDPRESS .COM /TAG /AGGLOMERATION /) ……………………………………………………………. 160 FIGURE 6.10 GLOBAL SKILLED LABOR SHORTAGES 2014 (OECD CC-BY -ND) ……………………………………………………………… …. 160 FIGURE 6.11 WORLD INDUSTRY EXPORT MAP BY SIMRAN KHOLSA (CIA FACTBOOK , CC-BY) ………………………………………………. 161 FIGURE 6.12 THE CORE AND THE HINTERLAND (COURTESY OF CAITLIN FINLAYSON , CREATIVE COMMONS ) ………………………………. 162 FIGURE 6.13 GLOBAL CORE -PERIPHERY RELATIONS BASED ON DATA FROM T HE INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND 2008 (W IKIMEDIA , LOU COBAN – PUBLIC DOMAIN , HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID =12089747) ……………………………. 163 FIGURE 6.14 MODERN -DAY PIRATES IN SOMALIA (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………. 164 FIGURE 6.15 FIVE SECTORS OF THE ECONOMY ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………… 165 FIGURE 6.16 BRITISH STAMP ADVERTISING THE COLONIAL STATUS OF THE AFRICAN “G OLD COAST ” (BY ROYAL MAIL (UK) – SCAN OF ORIGINAL , PUBLIC DOMAIN , HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID =33246001) …………………………… 165 FIGURE 6.17 2009 ZIMBABWE $100 TRILLION BANKNOTE B Y MARIANIAN (W IKIMEDIA , CC-BY) …………………………………………. 166 FIGURE 6.18 ROSTOW ‘S RURAL TO URBAN SHIFT (GITHUB , CC-BY) ……………………………………………………………… ……………. 167 FIGURE 6.19 CONCEPT MAP OF HDI (UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM , PUBLIC DOMAIN )…………………………………….. 168 FIGURE 6.20 2015 HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT DATA (UNITED NATIONS DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) HTTP :// HDR .UNDP .ORG /EN/COUNTRIES ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………. 169 FIGURE 6.21 WHAT 7.3 BILLION PEOPLE DO FOR “W ORK ” IN 2015 (UN HUMAN DEVELOPMENT REPORT , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……….. 169 FIGURE 6.22 LITERACY RATES – FOCUS ON COUNTRIES G-M BY ALPHA (UNESCA DATA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) HTTP :// DATA .UIS .UNESCO .ORG / ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………….. 170 FIGURE 6.23 ACCESS TO BASIC HEALTH CARE IS INADEQUATE IN MANY PARTS OF THE U.S. (2009 US CENSUS , ESRI DATA , CC-BY) …. 171 FIGURE 6.24 GROSS DOMESTIC INCOME PER CAPITA 2015 (UNITED NATIONS HUMAN DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) .. 171 FIGURE 6.25 DISTRIBUTION OF UNEMPLOYMENT IN WESTERN EUROPE , 2014 (EUROSTAT , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) …………………………… 172 FIGURE 6.26 URBAN – RURAL LAND USE IN WESTERN EUROPE , 2014 2014 (EUROSTAT , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………… 172 FIGURE 6.27 UN MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… …….. 173 FIGURE 6.28 WORLD OCEANIC SHIPPING LANES (BY B.S. HALPERN (T. HENGL ; D. GROLL ) / WIKIMEDIA COMMONS , CC BY-SA 3.0, HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID =18755723) …………………………………………………………….. 176 FIGURE 6.29 WHERE DID THE UNITED STATES EXPORT TO IN 2014? (THE ATLAS OF ECONOMIC COMPLEXITY , HTTP :// ATLAS .CID .HARVARD .EDU / ) ……………………………………………………………… ………………………………………… 180 FIGURE 6.30 WORLD MAP OF 24- HOUR RELATIVE AVERAGE UTILIZATION OF IPV4 ADDRESSES OBSERVED USING ICMP PING REQUESTS . (BY AUTHOR OF CARNA BOTNET “INTERNET CENSUS 2012” HTTP :// INTERNETCENSUS 2012. BITBUCKET .ORG /IMAG ES /GEOVIDEO _LOWRES .GIF -VIEW ONLINE IMAGE FOR ANIMATION ) ….. 187 FIGURE 6.31 SHARING ECONOMY , ALSO KNOWN AS COLLA BORATIVE CONSUMPTION , IS A TRENDING BUSINESS CONCEPT THAT HIGHLIGHTS THE ABILITY (AND PERHAPS THE PREF ERENCE ) FOR INDIVIDUALS TO RENT OR BORROW GOODS /SERVICES RATHER THAN BUY AND OWN THEM . (TECHTARGET .COM , CC- BY-NC -SA) ……………………………………………………………… ………………………………… 189 FIGURE 6.32 MOBILE PHONE OWNERSHIP BY COUNTRY 2012 BY TONY BATES (DAYILY INFOGRAPHIC , CC- BY-NC -SA) ………………… 191 FIGURE 6.33 WHEN WILL THE FUTURE ARRIVE ? (W ORLD ECONOMIC FORUM , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) …………………………………………… 192 FIGURE 7.1 CHICAGO , IL. THE “CITY OF BROAD SHOULDERS ” GETS ITS PECULIAR NICKNAME FROM A POEM EXTOLLING THE VAST A RRAY OF INDUST RIAL AND AGRICULTURAL PURSUITS MADE PROF ITABLE BY ITS SPECIAL LOCATION BY ALLEN MCGREGOR (W IKIMEDIA CC-BY) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………… .. 197 FIGURE 7.2 JACKSONVILLE , FL. JACKSONVILLE ‘S CITY LIMITS INCLUDE ALL THE AREA IN THE LIGHT TAN – MOST OF DUVAL COUNTY . ACCORDING TO THE US CENSUS , ONLY THE AREA IN THE DARK TAN IN THE CENTER IS ACTUALLY “URBAN ” BY US CENSUS BUREAU (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………………….. 198 Human Geography 2 55 FIGURE 7.3 SALORNO , ITALY . THIS COMMANDING VIEW OF THE ADIGE VALLEY FROM THE RUINS OF HADERBURG CASTLE INDICATES THE IMPORTANCE OF A DEFENSIBLE LOCATION . THIS SITE IS BELOW TH E RESCHEN PASS , A HISTORIC PATHWAY FOR ARMIES ACROSS THE ALPS SINCE AT LEAST ROMAN TIMES . (AMERICAN LANDSCAPE PROJECT ) ……………………………………………………………… … 199 FIGURE 7.4 SAN FRANCISCO , CA. THE GOLDEN GATE PRESENTS A UNIQUE DEFENSIVE SITE ON AMERICA ‘S WEST COAST . VARIOUS MILITARIES HAVE HELD THIS GROUND SINCE 1776. URBAN ACTIVITIES FREQ UENTLY EVOLVE AROUND MILITARY INSTALLATI ONS IN RESPONSE TO THE MONEY AND PROTECTION BY WILL ELDER (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ………………………………………… 200 FIGURE 7.5 PARIS , FRANCE . NOTRE DAME CATHEDRAL BUILT UPON THE ÎLE DE LA CITÉ, A DEFENSIBLE ISLAND IN THE SEINE RIVER IS THE HEART OF FRENCH NATIONHOOD . THE IMPORTANCE OF REL IGION AND MILITARY DEF ENSE ARE BOTH SYMBOLIZED IN THESE IMAGES BY MATH KNIGHT (W IKIMEDIA , CC- BY-SA) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………. 201 FIGURE 7.6 ILLUSTRATION OF BORCHERT ‘S MODEL (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… …………. 202 FIGURE 7.7 LOUISVILLE , KY. THE MCALPINE LOCKS AND DAM REPRESENT A MASSIVE GOVERNMENT INVEST MENT TO BYPASS THE FALLS OF THE OHIO (TOP CENTER OF PHOTO ). ALL RIVER TRAFFIC ONC E STOPPED AT THIS LOCA TION . (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) …….. 203 FIGURE 7.8 FLAG OF CHICAGO . THE TWO BLUE STRIPES SYMBOLIZE THE TWO WA TERWAYS THAT CREATED AMERICA ‘S MOST STRATEGIC PORTAGE SITE . (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………… 204 FIGURE 7.9: PITTSBURGH , PA. THE CONFLUENCE OF THE MONONGAHELA AND ALLEGHENY RIVERS FORMS THE OHIO RIVER . THIS LOCATION WAS IDEAL FOR THE STEEL INDUSTR Y FOR MANY YEARS (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN )…………………………………… 204 FIGURE 7.10 THE SECOND LOS ANGELES AQUEDUCT CASCADES . CONSTRUCTION OF THE AQUEDUCT BEGAN IN 1908 AND COMPLETED IN 1913. (W IKIMEDIA , CC- BY) ……………………………………………………………… ………………………………………………….. 205 FIGURE 7.11 CENTRAL PLACE THEORY . THIS DIAGRAM REPRESENTS AN IDEALIZED URBAN HIERARCHY IN WHICH PEOPLE TRAVEL T O THE CLOSEST LOCAL MARKET FOR LOWER ORDER GOODS , BUT MUST GO TO A LA RGER TOWN OR CITY FOR HIGHER ORDERS GOOD S . (CITATION ?) ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………… 206 FIGURE 7.12 MAP OF BUGATTI AUTOMOBILE DEALERSHIPS IN THE UNITED STATES . EXPENSIVE AUTOMOBILES HAVE LIMITED THRESHOLD AND EXTENSIVE RANGES ; THEREFORE , ONLY VERY HIGH ORDER PLACES HOST SUCH B USINESSES (HTTP :// WWW .BUGATTI .COM /OWNERSHIP /PARTNERS /) ……………………………………………………………… ……………….. 207 FIGURE 7.13 URBAN AREAS WITH MORE THAN 750,000 INHABITANTS (LEWISHISTORICALSOCIE TY .COM ) …………………………………. 208 FIGURE 7.14: BURGESS ‘ CONCENTRIC RING MODEL . 1 = INNER CITY, 2 = ZONE OF TRANSITION , 3 = WORKING CLASS HOUSING , 4 = SUBURBS , 5 = EXURBS (ADAPTED VERSION ). ……………………………………………………………… ………………………………… 209 FIGURE 7.15 CHAUNCY HARRIS AND EDWARD ULLMAN ‘S MULTIPLE NUCLEI MODEL OF URBAN STRUCTURE (BY ULMAN 2.PNG : THE ORIGINAL UPLOADER WA S SUZANNE KN ULMAN 2.PNG , PUBLIC DOMAIN , HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .OR G /W/INDEX .PHP ?C ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………… .. 210 FIGURE 7.16 GRIFFIN AND FORD ‘S LATIN AMERICAN MODEL – 1: ZONE OF MATURITY , 2 = ZONE OF IN SITU ACCRETION 3 = SQUATTER ZONE , 4 = DISAMENITY ZONE , 5 = ELITE SPINE AND RESIDENTIAL DISTRICT . NOTE THE CBD AND MARKET AT SITE OF OLD PLAZA , AND THE MALL SERVING THE ELITE DISTRICT . ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………….. 211 FIGURE 7.17 WORLD ‘S 30 LARG EST CONTIGUOUS SLUMS (M ICHAEL DAVIS , PLANET OF SLUMS ) …………………………………………… 217 FIGURE 7.18 LOS ANGELES – GOVERNMENT MADE MAP OF LOAN DESIRABILITY FROM 1933. CONSIDER THE LASTING EFFECT OF THIS GOVERNMENT POLICY TO DAY . SOURCE URBAN OASIS ……………………………………………………………… ……………………… 218 FIGURE 7.19 MANY ACCORDING TO THE SUBSTANCE ABUSE AND MENTAL HEALTH SERVICES ADMINISTRATION , 20 TO 25% OF THE HOMELESS POPULATION IN THE UNITED STATES SUFFERS FROM S OME FORM OF SEVERE M ENTAL ILLNESS . IN COMPARISON , ONLY 6% OF AMERICANS ARE SEVEREL Y MENTALLY ILL (BY ERIC POUHIER , CC BY-SA 2.5, HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID =4211031) ……………………………………………………………… . 220 FIGURE 7.20 PHOTOGRAPH CAPTURED WHILE ON A BALLOON RIDE OVER RIO RANCHO , NEW MEXICO IN 2009. (BY RIVERRAT 303 CC BY- SA 3.0, HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID =20652795) ………………………………………………….. 221 FIGURE 7.21 LOVE OUR CITY , LOVE OUR SPORTS (CC0 PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… ………. 222 FIGURE 7.22 ROCKVILLE , IN. SMALL TOWNS ACROSS AMERICA ‘S HEARTLAND REPRESENT A KIND OF GENERIC PLACE THAT EVOKE A SPECIFIC SET OF AMERICAN IDEAS AND VA LUES (W IKIMEDIA , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… …… 223 FIGURE 7.23 FIGURE 1.25 NUBIAN VILLAGE BY CHRIS BROWN (FLICKR , CC-BY)……………………………………………………………… 224 FIGURE 7.24 THE 1000- YEAR OLD BAB AL-YEMEN (THE GATE OF YEMEN ) AT THE CITY CENTER OF THE CAPITAL SANA ‘A BY JIALIANG GAO (W IKIMEDIA , CC- BY-SA) ……………………………………………………………… ………………………………………………………. 225 Human Geography 2 56 FIGURE 7.25 STREET ART IN SANTIAGO BY SHE PAUSED FOR THOUGHT (W IKIMEDIA , CC-BY) ………………………………………………. 226 FIGURE 7.26 SHARE OF GDP AND NATIONAL POPULA TION IN SELECTED CITIES – DEVELOPED COUNTRIES (UN – HABITAT , 2011, PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………. 227 FIGURE 7.27 SHARE OF GDP AND NATIONAL POPULA TION IN SELECTED CITIES DEVELOPING COUNT RIES (UN- HABITAT , 2011, PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………. 228 FIGURE 7.28 AERIAL VIEW OF GROWTH PATTERNS IN ARLINGTON COUNTY . HIGH DENSITY , MIXED USE DEVELOPME NT IS CONCENTRATED WITHIN ¼–½ MILE FROM THE ROSSLYN , COURT HOU SE AND CLARENDON METRO STATIONS (SHOWN IN RED ), WITH LIMITED DENSITY OUTSIDE THAT AREA . THIS PHOTOGRAPH IS TAKEN FROM THE UNITED STATES ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY [1] WEBSITE DESCRIBING ARLINGTON ‘S AWARD FOR OVERALL EXCELLENCE IN SMART GROWTH IN 2002 — THE FIRST EVER GRAN TED BY THE AGENCY . ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………… 229 FIGURE 7.29 SEPARATED BIKE LANES HELP MAKE CYCLING FEEL SAFE AND ATTRACTIVE TO MORE PEOPLE , INCLUDING NOVICE RI DERS , W OMEN , CHILDREN , AND THE ELDERLY . (BY PAUL KRUEGER – FLICKR : HORNBY SEPARATED BIKE LANE , CC BY 2.0, HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID ……………………………………………………………… ……………… 230 FIGURE 7.30 MAP OF THE TOKYO SUBWAY SYSTEMS (BY USER : (WT- SHARED ) DGUILLAIME AT WTS WIK IVOYAGE , PUBLIC DOMAIN , HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID =22743294) …………………………………………………………….. 232 FIGURE 7.31 LIGHT RAIL IN MELBOURNE , AUSTRALIA DILIFF – OWN WORK , CC BY 3.0, HTTPS :// COMMONS .WIKIMEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID =3360147 ) ……………………………………………………………. 233 FIGURE 7.32 HURRICANE ARTHUR RODANTHE PIER HATTERAS ISLAND FLOODING (U.S. COAST GUARD MID-ATLANTIC , PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………… .. 235 FIGURE 7.33 TAKSIM GEZI PARK PROTESTS . PEOPLE AT TAKSIM GEZI PARK MAY 2013. (W IKIMEDIA COMMONS , HTTP :// WWW .HEALINGLANDSCAPES .ORG /BLOG /CATEGORY /DISCUSSION / ) …………………………………………………………. 236 FIGURE 7.34 A TURKISH RIOT POLICEMAN USES TEAR GAS AS P EOPLE PROTEST AGAINST THE DESTRUCTION OF TREES IN A PARK BROUGHT ABOUT BY A PEDESTRIAN PROJECT , IN TAKSIM SQUARE IN CENTRAL İSTANBUL ON MAY 28, 2013. (HTTP :// WWW .DEMOCRATICUNDERGROUN D .COM /10022955934) ……………………………………………………………… …… 237 FIGURE 7.35 ACTIVISTS PROTEST POLICIES OF THE WORLD BANK IN WASHINGTON , DC. (CC BY 2.5, HTTPS :// EN.WIKIPEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID =7721071) ……………………………………………………………… …………. 237 FIGURE 7.36 DEVELOPMENT AND ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION CAN GO HAND IN HAND BY PANDIYAN (FLICKR , CC-BY-NC) …………. 238 FIGURE 7.37 ARC OF AMAZON DEFORESTATION BRAZIL BY 2006 BY LOU GOLD (FLICKR , CC- BY-NC -SA) ……………………………….. 239 FIGURE 7.38 A NEW STUDY BY UBC RESEARCHERS SHOWS GROWTH OF SHARK TOURISM AROUND THE WORLD . (THE PEW CHARITABLE TRUSTS ; CC-BY-NC -ND) ……………………………………………………………… ……………………………………………………… 242 FIGURE 7.39 GLOBAL ICT DEVELOPMENTS , 2005- 2015 BY ITU WORLD TELECOM (PUBLIC DOMAIN ) ……………………………………. 243 FIGURE 7.40 A PANORAMIC VIEW OF BARCELONA – A LEADER IN THE SMART CITY MOVEMENT (BY OLIVER -BONJOCH – OWN WORK , CC BY -SA 3.0, HTTPS :// COMMONS .WI KIMEDIA .ORG /W/INDEX .PHP ?CURID =7383820) ……………………………………………….. 244

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